1996; Lamptey 2001a; Lamptey 2000; Lamptey 2001b; Osei 2004; Turkson 1996;
Turkson and Dua 1996; Danquah 1979; Lamptey 1981; Agbleze 1970
Reviewed papers by topic
Topic | Number | Author(s)/year |
Psychiatric hospital studies | 5 | Adomakoh 1972; Forster 1966; Forster 1968; Lamptey 1977; Turkson and Asante 1997 |
General hospital studies | 2 | Lamptey 1978; Turkson 1998 |
Community studies | 2 | Field 1958; Osei 2003 |
Psychosis/schizophrenia | 4 | Field 1968; Fortes and Mayer 1966; Turkson 2000; Sikanartey and Eaton 1984 |
Depression | 5 | Dorahy et al 2000; Field 1955; Majodina and Johnson 1983; Osei 2001; Turkson and Dua 1996 |
Suicide and self-harm | 5 | Adomakoh 1975; Eshun 2000; Eshun 2003; Hjelmeland et al 2008; Roberts and Nkum 1989 |
Substance misuse/alcoholism | 8 | Affinnih 1999a; Affinnih 1999b; Akyeampong 1995; Amarquaye 1967; Lamptey 2005; Ofori-Akyeah and Lewis 1972; Redvers et al 2006; Turkson et al 1996 |
Women's mental health | 5 | Avotri and Walters 1999; Avotri and Walters 2001; Bennett et al 2004; Turkson 1992; Weobong et al 2009 |
Clinical picture/case studies | 6 | Forster 1970; Forster 1972a; Forster and Danquah 1977; Osei 2003; Turkson 1998 |
Psychopharmacy | 3 | Adomakoh 1972; Mensah and Yeboah 2003; Sanati 2009 |
Help-seeking/family response | 6 | Appiah-Poku et al 2004; Fosu 1981; Fosu 1995; Ofori-Atta and Linden 1995: Quinn 2007; Read et al 2009 |
Traditional healers | 4 | Brautigam and Osei 1979; Osei 2001; Twumasi 1972; Yeboah 1994 |
Mental health services and policy | 7 | Ferri et al 2004; Flisher et al 2007; Forster 1962a; Forster 1971; Laugharne and Burns 1999; Laugharne et al 2009; Osei 1993 |
Psychological interventions | 1 | Gilbert 2005 |
Review/history | 2 | Forster 1962b; Forster 1972b |
Poverty | 1 | de-Graft Aikins and Ofori-Atta 2007 |
Early researchers and clinicians predicted an increase in mental disorders in Ghana as a result of the presumed stresses of industrialisation and ‘acculturation’. 12 , 13 Yet to date the true prevalence of mental illness in Ghana remains uncertain. Epidemiological studies are based on small numbers and rely on clinical case-finding methods. Prevalence rates drawn from such data are below expected rates from international comparative studies and in the absence of data from population-based epidemiological studies are likely to be an underestimation.
Since psychiatric hospitals are the most easily accessible research sites, particularly for hard-pressed clinicians, a number of studies have been undertaken drawing on records at Accra Psychiatric Hospital (APH). In a study of first admissions to APH between 1951 and 1971 Forster observed a sharp increase in admissions from 265 in 1951 to 2284 in 1967 followed by a decline to 736 in 1971. 15 This change was attributed this to the political crisis between 1961–1966, however since then admissions approximate to the 1960s figure despite political stability and economic development in recent years. Hospital admissions are unreliable indicators of psychiatric morbidity since they are confounded by population growth and increased awareness and exclude many cases who do not attend psychiatric services. 14
The few community-based prevalence studies do not employ standardised research diagnoses or methods. 12 , 16 , 17 , 18 epidemiological In Kumasi 194 participants were interviewed using the mental state examination (MSE) and the Self-Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ). Thirty-eight were diagnosed with depressive illness, of which 33 were women. Five women were diagnosed with schizophrenia and five men with somatisation disorder. Despite the limitations of the methodology, the author calculated an overall prevalence of psychiatric illness of 27.51%. 18 Noting the popularity of prayer camps and shrines in the treatment of mental disorders, Turkson suggests that epidemiological studies of mental illness in Ghana should include these. 19
In 1968 Field stated there had been an explosive increase in schizophrenia within the last 20 years (p.31). 20 However she had no data with which to substantiate such a claim. Her longitudinal study of hundreds of cases attending rural shrines in Ashanti and Brong Ahafo 12 , 20 , 21 provided a wealth of clinical and contextual detail however she did not quantify most of her work. In one exception she approached chiefs and elders of rural towns and villages and identified 41 cases of chronic schizophrenia in 12 villages with a combined population of 4,283. In the 1960s Fortes and Mayer, conducted a study of psychosis among the Tallensi in Northern Ghana. Mayer diagnosed 17 cases of psychosis, eight men and nine women. 17
In the 1980s a study of the prevalence of schizophrenia in Labadi, Greater Accra using clinical interviews and a review of medical records identified 28 cases of schizophrenia including 19 males in a population of 45,195. Thirty-one vagrants were also found to be psychotic. 16 Methods were restricted to tracing cases from APH and Pantang Hospital, screening patients at the polyclinic, visiting a shrine and assessing 175 vagrants. No house-to-house case-finding was conducted.
Studies at APH consistently record schizophrenia and psychosis as the most commonly recorded diagnosis for about 70-75% of inpatients. 1 , 22 In the only identified study of mentally disordered offenders at APH, most had been diagnosed with psychotic illness including 31% with schizophrenia, 20.2% with drug-induced psychoses, and 13.3% with non-specified psychosis. Most of those charged with murder or attempted murder had been diagnosed with psychotic illness, nearly half (48.6%) with schizophrenia. 23
The preponderance of schizophrenia as a diagnosis among inpatients continues to the present day. This is probably since only the most severe cases are admitted. The symptoms of acute psychosis also present grave difficulties for family members to manage at home, and are likely to prompt help-seeking. A Delphi consensus study of resource utilisation for neuropsychiatric disorders in developing countries, including Ghana, suggested that acute psychosis, manic episodes, and severe depression were the most common disorders treated within inpatient psychiatric care. 14
Colonial psychiatrists asserted the virtual absence of depression among Africans, which was later challenged by Field among others. Field surmised that the self-accusations of women who confessed to witchcraft were akin to the self-reproach expressed by women with depression in Britain. 3 , 21 and that ‘Depression is the commonest mental illness of Akan rural women’ (p. 149). 3 Two studies of psychiatric morbidity in general hospitals and clinics suggest that more neurotic and affective disorders may be seen in these facilities than in the psychiatric hospitals although numbers are small. 24 , 25 In a survey of psychiatric morbidity at 6 polyclinics in Accra, of 172 patients, 27 were found to have psychiatric illness, with a further seven having physical illness with concomitant psychiatric illness. Of these 23 (72%) were diagnosed with ‘neurosis’. 24 Lamptey recorded no cases of depression, however it is possible these may have been missed due to the prominence of somatic symptoms such as palpitations, burning sensations and insomnia. In another study of 94 patients referred to a psychiatric out-patient clinic at KBTH the majority were diagnosed with affective (23) and neurotic/stress related disorders (11). 25
To address the lack of cross-cultural data on depression in the early 1980s the World Health Organization sponsored a study utilising the Standardized Assessment for Depressive Disorders (SADD). Fifty patients were assessed using SADD, Thirty-three were female. Anxiety and tension were the core symptoms expressed, with 35% reporting feelings of guilt and self-reproach. Feelings of sadness and loss of interest and enjoyment were commonly reported. Forty reported somatic symptoms including headaches, bodily heat, and generalised body pain. 26
The authors argue that there has been a change in the presentation of depression in Africa compared to earlier data. However, whilst the population of Ghana is more widely educated than in the 1950s, the study recruited a highly selective English-speaking sample who had already interpreted their symptoms in such as way as to approach psychiatric hospital. Indeed Turkson and Dua's study with a larger, less well-educated sample produced contrasting results. They studied 131 female outpatients with a diagnosis of depression using the Montgomery-Asberg Depressive Rating Scale (MADRS). They noted a high degree of somatic symptoms, in particular headaches (77.86%) and sleeplessness (68.7%). In contrast to the SADD study, there were fewer reported psychological symptoms such as pessimistic thoughts (20.61%) and sadness (12.97%). Only 10 (7.3%) reported suicidal thoughts. 27 However the MADRS has fewer psychological items than the SADD and therefore elicits different symptoms, highlighting one of the limitations of standardised instruments, particularly where they have not been validated with the local population.
Osei explored the incidence of depression among 17 self-confessed ‘witches’ at three shrines in the Ashanti region of Ghana. All were diagnosed with depression according to ICD-10. Three also had serious physical health problems. As in the previous studies, many described physical complaints such as a burning sensation or persistent headaches. The women also expressed ideas of guilt relating to having harmed someone in the family through the use of witchcraft. 28 Like Field, Osei suggests that guilt feelings arising from depression might prompt women to confess to witchcraft.
Such research raises interesting issues for the study of mental illness within the context of widespread belief in witchcraft and other supernatural phenomena in Ghana.
Turkson and Dua hypothesise on a link between socioeconomic status and depression, however without a control group and with inadequate numbers they could provide little substantive evidence. A qualitative study of 75 women in the Volta region is highly suggestive of a link between social factors and psychological distress. 29 – 31 Whilst this study did not set out specifically to research mental disorders, almost three quarters of the women interviewed described ‘thinking too much’ or ‘worrying too much’. Importantly, such symptoms were more prominent in women's accounts of their health than physical health problems.
Most participants complained of stresses arising from multiple responsibilities in the arenas of family and work, as well as financial hardship. 30 Headaches, bodily aches and pains, and sleep disturbance were commonly reported. A similar link between such experiences of poverty and possible symptoms of mental illness such as excessive thinking, worry and anxiety, as well as persistent physical symptoms such as headaches, has been made in a study of migrant squatters in Accra. 32 It is probable that some of these women may have met the criteria for a psychiatric diagnosis of depression.
The prominence of somatic symptoms among Ghanaian women diagnosed with depression is notable. Turkson notes that in 1988 32% of all new patients at APH presented with primarily somatic symptoms such as headaches, burning sensations, tiredness and bodily weakness with the majority diagnosed with anxiety, depression and somatisation disorders. 25 This highlights the importance of screening measures which have been locally validated and can identify somatic and non-somatic symptoms. A study of depression and life satisfaction among Nigerian, Australian, Northern Irish, Swazi and Ghanaian college students utilising the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) for example, found that Ghanaians had significantly lower depression scores than other groups. 33
Aside from sleeplessness and loss of appetite, the BDI items are mostly concerned with psychological aspects of depression such as worthlessness and guilt. In a study of the comparative validity of screening scales for post-natal common mental disorders Weobong provides evidence for the cross-cultural validity and reliability of a Twi version of the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9). 34
Significantly the study showed that a mixture of somatic and cognitive symptoms best discriminated between cases and non-cases for all scales evaluated.
Given the high birth rate in Ghana, Weobong's study of post-natal depression will provide much-needed data on a condition which has been little researched. The only previous study identified described four cases of psychiatric disorders associated with childbirth treated at APH, including post-partum psychosis and manic-depressive psychosis. The author observed that few cases were referred to the psychiatric hospital and queried whether post-partum mental disorders were being recognised within antenatal wards. He also noted the influence of social factors such as marital problems and financial difficulties. 35
The literature reveals that women are generally underrepresented in psychiatric hospitals in Ghana. In Forster's study of APH inpatient admissions between 1951–1971 males consistently outnumbered females by about 3:1. 15 It has been suggested that when men become acutely mentally unwell they may be more difficult to manage at home, and so are more likely to be brought to the psychiatric hospitals for treatment. 16 18 36 37 Women in Ghana appear to be underserved by mental health services and the majority of women suffering from mental disorders, particularly depression, remain untreated or under the care of churches and shrines. Research at facilities such as polyclinics, shrines and churches may provide a more accurate picture of the numbers of women with mental disorders and their clinical presentation.
There is very little research on self-harm in Ghana. Roberts and Nkum examined the case notes of 53 patients admitted to Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital (KATH) over a 5 year period. 38 The most common means of self-harm was ingestion of pesticides (22), and other harmful substances. 10 used ‘physical methods’ including self-stabbing (4). 6 cases were diagnosed with psychosis and 28 with acute reactions to social stresses such as marital and financial problems. The authors found an increase in deliberate self-harm during the five year period compared to an earlier study 39 from 0.3 cases per 1,000 admissions between 1965–1971 to 1.32 cases per 1,000 admissions in 1987. Based on their findings the authors estimated a crude annual incidence of 2.93 per 100,000. However this figure is likely to be an underestimate given that some cases may not reach medical services.
A number of studies comparing suicidal ideation among Ghanaian and Caucasian students in the USA showed significantly lower rates of self-reported suicidal ideation among the Ghanaian sample, as well as more negative attitudes towards suicide. 40 41 A larger survey compared 570 Ghanaian students with students from Uganda and Norway utilising the Attitudes Toward Suicide Questionnaire. Thirty (5.4%) of the Ghanaian sample reported making suicide attempts, significantly lower than either Uganda or Norway. Nine of the respondents reported a completed suicide in the family, and 91 among non-family members, again markedly lower than those reported by the Ugandan and Norwegian respondents. 42
Though these studies seem to suggest a low rate of suicidal ideation in Ghana, generalisation is cautioned since all the studies were conducted with young, urbanised, highly-educated participants. There is also no published research on completed suicides in Ghana. It is possible that the lower reported rates of suicidal ideation or suicide attempts may in part reflect likelihood that Ghanaian students would be less likely to report suicidal ideation due to negative attitudes towards suicide. This is supported by the finding of Hjelmeland et al that 31% of their sample felt that suicide should not be talked about. 42
However these studies also point to possible factors in Ghanaian society which could be employed in suicide prevention including family support, religious belief, and an emphasis on the value of the group. Qualitative studies related to beliefs and attitudes towards suicide, as well as risk factors, would greatly enhance the quantitative data and enable an exploration of some of the correlations observed. 41 There is one recent study on anorexia nervosa among female secondary school students in North East Ghana, a condition which has been considered rare in non-Western cultures.
The researchers completed a clinical examination of physical and mental health, two standard measures of eating behaviour and attitudes, and a depression screen. Of 666 students, 29 were pathologically underweight of which 10 were diagnosed with morbid self-starvation based on clinically significant indicators such as denial of hunger, self-punishment and perfectionist traits. The majority of the participants, both Christian and Muslim, reported regularly engaging in religious fasting. For the 10 engaged in morbid self-starvation, this fasting was particularly frequent, at least once a week, and associated with feelings of self-control and self-punishment. Since self-starvation was not associated with a desire to be thin or a morbid fear of fatness, a diagnosis of anorexia nervosa according to DSM-IV or ICD-10 criteria could not be made.
However the authors suggest that in Ghana fasting rather than dieting may provide the cultural context within which morbid self-starvation occurs. 43 As suggested by the role of somatic symptoms in the presentation of depression in Ghana, this study has important implications regarding the limitations of standardised psychiatric diagnoses and the need to recognise cultural influences on the presentation of mental illness.
It is notable that the highest number of published papers in this review concerns substance abuse. 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 This may reflect more on the interests of researchers than the severity of the problem. In his sociological study Affinnih claims there has been an increase in the use of drugs such as cocaine and heroin in Accra and other urban centres. 45 , 46 However data from the psychiatric hospitals suggests that cannabis and alcohol are the most frequently used substances and may be a risk factor for the development of psychosis amongst young men. 23 , 25 , 54 , 53
There is limited research on the mental health implications of substance use in Ghana. A study of substance abusers admitted to a private clinic in Accra excluded those with co-morbid mental illness. 49 Importantly only two papers were identified which were primarily concerned with alcohol misuse, one of which is a social history of alcohol use in Ghana. 44 The only epidemiological study of alcohol misuse was conducted with 350 psychiatric outpatients in Kumasi using the WHO Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT).
The researchers found a prevalence of only 8.6% for hazardous drinking, significantly lower than comparable studies in the West. 53 The link between substance misuse and mental disorders may be exaggerated in the public imagination and the media and there is a tendency to make speculative assertions based on limited evidence. Affinnih for example quotes a minister of health as saying that ‘drugs are responsible for 70% of the cases in local psychiatric hospitals’ (p.397), 45 a figure which is not substantiated by hospital records. More research is needed in this area from a specifically mental health perspective.
The popularity of traditional healers in the treatment of mental illness has been noted since the earliest studies of mental illness in Ghana and continues to the present day. 55 A study of 194 people attending three shrines in the Ashanti region stated that 100 (51.55%) of these were suffering from a mental illness, the majority (64 (32.99%)) with depression. Another 14 were diagnosed with somatisation, and 19 with psychotic illness, including 6 with schizophrenia, 4 with acute psychosis and 3 with cannabis-induced psychosis. 28 36
Though data is limited, two papers suggest a change in the pattern of help-seeking over the last thirty years, with a greater role for Christian healers. In 1973 a study of 105 patients at APH diagnosed with psychosis showed that almost all (97(92%)) had sought another form of treatment before attending the psychiatric hospital. 67 (64%) patients had consulted a herbalist, 28 (26%) a healing church, and only 2 a fetish priest. 56
A study in 2004 of the use of traditional healers and pastors by 303 new patients attending state and private psychiatric services in Kumasi found that a smaller proportion of patients had consulted other forms of treatment and a greater number reported consulting a pastor than a traditional healer (43 (14.2%) and 18 (5.9%) respectively). There also appeared to be more use of medical facilities in the treatment of mental illness. 14 patients had seen a family doctor and 6 had visited another psychiatric hospital. Nearly a quarter (24.4%) had previously attended one of the other mental health centres in Kumasi. 57
Limited research has been conducted on beliefs and attitudes towards mental illness in Ghana which may influence help-seeking behaviour, though there is much speculation on the spiritual attribution of mental illness amongst the general population. 7 Two studies conducted in the early 1990s suggest a more varied and complex picture. A quantitative survey of 1000 women in Accra found that most (88%) said they would seek help from the psychiatric hospitals and only a minority (8.2%) said they would consult traditional healers.
The most important socio-demographic factors influencing the orientation towards help-seeking were area of residence, ethnicity, migration status, and prior use of medical services. Women who perceived the cause of psychosis to be natural or stress-related were more likely to seek help from mental hospitals than those who identified supernatural causation. 58 Similarly, a study of the effect of social change on causal beliefs of mental disorders and treatment preferences among teachers in Accra found that rather than emphasising spiritual causation for mental illness in Ghana, respondents attributed multiple causal factors to mental illness drawn from biological, social and spiritual models.
The authors attributed this in part to ‘acculturation’ but cautioned that participants may have wished to present themselves as educated and therefore have been less willing to disclose supernatural beliefs.
They also hypothesised that such beliefs may only come into play as an ‘indirect attribution’. 59 In both studies participants were urban residents and most were educated. Using semi-structured interviews with 80 relatives of people with mental illness, and 10 service providers, Quinn explored beliefs about mental illness in Accra and Kumasi, and two rural areas in the Ashanti and Northern regions and how these influenced family responses to mental illness.
In line with the urban ‘acculturation’ thesis, 2 , 17 Quinn reported that in urban areas most respondents attributed mental illness to ‘natural’ causes such as work stress. In the Northern region however, spiritual attributions were more common. The Northern samples were also significantly less educated with 14 out of 19 respondents having no education. Caution should be exercised in generalising these results as the sample size in each area was small. There were also many ‘don't knows’ - 22 out of 80. 60 This may be a reflection of more complex aetiological beliefs and uncertainty around the cause of mental illness than reflected in a binary spiritual/natural schema, as earlier studies have suggested. 37 , 59
Quinn's study claims that there was greater reliance on traditional healing in the North due to beliefs in a spiritual origin of mental illness; however it does not explore these issues in sufficient depth to support this assertion. The lower education of those in the Northern sample as well as their long distance from the psychiatric hospitals was other factors which may have influenced help-seeking. The study also reports that respondents in the Northern Region described greater acceptance of people with mental illness by families and communities with little evidence of stigma, echoing earlier reports. 2 , 17 Quinn's finding however is based on only 19 respondents, 17 of which were male. Since mothers are likely to provide most of the caring role they might have provided differing opinions on the impact of the illness. 60
None of these studies allow for in-depth exploration of possible influences on help-seeking behaviour for mental illness. However they suggest some interesting hypotheses regarding the reputation of traditional healers in treating mental illness, the stigma attached to mental illness and psychiatric hospitals, and the scarcity of psychiatric services.
In common with other mental health researchers and professionals in Africa, these studies recommend collaboration with traditional and faith healers in the treatment of mental illness, such as training healers in recognising severe mental illness, and referring patients to psychiatric services. However traditional healers and pastors may be unwilling to pass on their customers to biomedical practitioners or admit to failings in their intervention. Claims for the efficacy of traditional healers also tend to be anecdotal and speculative and are seldom based on rigorous longitudinal data. Most authors highlight the role of traditional healers in addressing the psychosocial aspects of mental illness and their resonance with cultural beliefs. 37 , 56 , 61 , 62 , 63
Whilst some present a rather idealised picture, 61 others note the inhumane treatment of people with mental illness by traditional healers. 4 , 36 , 62 One paper points to the role of the family in caring for patients within traditional shrines and churches, and shows how this model was replicated within psychiatric facilities by enabling family members to stay with the patient in hospital. 64 Further research is needed on the practices of traditional and faith healers to inform interventions to address the maltreatment of people with mental illness, and ensure that those with mental illness receive the best quality treatment from both psychiatric facilities and informal services.
This review shows that mental health research in Ghana remains limited in both quantity and quality. In the absence of comprehensive research, much is assumed based on scant evidence, and services are heavily influenced by the results of research conducted elsewhere, most often in high-income settings. Whilst researchers have used their findings to argue for more resources for mental health, such pleas would be more forcefully made were there more accurate epidemiological data. It is difficult to estimate the true prevalence of mental disorder and plan effectively for mental health promotion and treatment without more rigorous, large-scale population-based studies. However the published research on mental disorders such as psychosis, depression, substance misuse and self-harm provides insights for future research on the cultural context of these disorders in Ghana, including risk factors, with important implications for clinical intervention and mental health promotion.
A major omission in the literature regards studies of the practice and efficacy of psychiatric treatment in Ghana. Given the scarcity of psychosocial interventions, psychotropic medication is the mainstay of treatment and has been the topic of four papers. 65 , 66 , 67 One study reports that adherence to medication is poor among many patients 68 suggesting the need for further research into the reasons for this, and methods by which to improve both access and adherence.
Most research in Ghana has been conducted by psychiatrists and there is very little published research by psychologists, psychiatric nurses and social workers. The only published study identified on counselling argued for consideration of notions of self-identity, as well as the influence of the multi-lingual post-colonial environment when importing talking therapies, 69 a topic which would benefit from further research. Multidisciplinary research is also needed on the particular social and psychological factors which play an important part in the aetiology and course of mental disorders within Ghana and how these might be addressed.
Research on beliefs and attitudes towards mental illness suggests that these influence not only help-seeking behaviour but also stigma, care-giving and social inclusion. Research in this area may not only point to the roots of stigma, social exclusion and human rights abuse, but also to potential resources for the support and social integration of those with mental disorders. Most importantly research on mental health in Ghana needs to focus on experiences of the mentally ill and their caregivers. Existing research suggests a high social, financial and psychological burden for patients and carers, 4 , 30 , 31 , 60 and further research in this area could provide a powerful tool to argue for greater attention to mental illness as a neglected public health concern.
The studies reviewed have been small in scale and of limited generalizability. Nonetheless, they provide important insights into the development of mental health care in Ghana, and suggest directions for future research. Based on this review we suggest the following priorities for mental health research in Ghana:
Evidently these topics call for both quantitative and qualitative methodologies across disciplines in both medicine and social science. However an important caveat remains as to who will conduct this research given the pressures on clinicians and the limited research expertise. For too long mental health research has been dominated by experts in high-income countries with the consequent risk of cultural bias.
There remains a need for capacity building among clinicians across all disciplines to conduct clinically-based research, and for researchers trained in psychiatric epidemiological methods. Collaboration with mental health researchers in Africa and elsewhere, including the Ghanaian diaspora is one suggestion. 70 Above all high quality large-scale research requires funding. Given the burden of mental illness suggested by existing research in Ghana and elsewhere in the region, there is a strong case for international funding for mental health research to provide an evidence-based foundation for targeted and culturally relevant interventions.
Objectives This paper aimed to systematically evaluate the mental health and well-being outcomes observed in previous community-based obesity prevention interventions in adolescent populations.
Setting Systematic review of literature from database inception to October 2014. Articles were sourced from CINAHL, Global Health, Health Source: Nursing and Academic Edition, MEDLINE, PsycARTICLES and PsycINFO, all of which were accessed through EBSCOhost. The Cochrane Database was also searched to identify all eligible articles. PRISMA guidelines were followed and search terms and search strategy ensured all possible studies were identified for review.
Participants Intervention studies were eligible for inclusion if they were: focused on overweight or obesity prevention, community-based, targeted adolescents (aged 10–19 years), reported a mental health or well-being measure, and included a comparison or control group. Studies that focused on specific adolescent groups or were treatment interventions were excluded from review. Quality of evidence was assessed using the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) guidelines.
Primary and secondary outcome measures Primary outcomes were measures of mental health and well-being, including diagnostic and symptomatic measures. Secondary outcomes included adiposity or weight-related measures.
Results Seven studies met the inclusion criteria; one reported anxiety/depressive outcomes, two reported on self-perception well-being measures such as self-esteem and self-efficacy, and four studies reported outcomes of quality of life. Positive mental health outcomes demonstrated that following obesity prevention, interventions included a decrease in anxiety and improved health-related quality of life. Quality of evidence was graded as very low.
Conclusions Although positive outcomes for mental health and well-being do exist, controlled evaluations of community-based obesity prevention interventions have not often included mental health measures (n=7). It is recommended that future interventions incorporate mental health and well-being measures to identify any potential mechanisms influencing adolescent weight-related outcomes, and equally to ensure interventions are not causing harm to adolescent mental health.
This is an Open Access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work non-commercially, and license their derivative works on different terms, provided the original work is properly cited and the use is non-commercial. See: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2014-006586
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This study was the first to systematically review mental health outcomes following community-based obesity prevention interventions among adolescents.
This study ensured rigorous methodology by following PRISMA guidelines and evaluated quality of evidence using the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) guidelines to allow findings to be interpreted with respect to the quality of studies in which they are found.
A limitation of this review was that a meta-analysis was not possible due to study heterogeneity in differing components of the interventions and different measures of mental health outcomes at follow-up.
Study biases may be present due to interventions having the primary outcome of weight reduction; therefore, mental health measures at outcome may have been under-reported or not reported at all.
Adolescent obesity prevention remains a high priority given negative health consequences of overweight/obesity both during adolescence and later in life. It has been suggested that prevention efforts should be community-based to meet the complex and multidimensional nature of obesity. 1 , 2 Importantly, recent research also suggests that there is a high comorbidity between poor mental health and obesity and this may reflect some shared underlying mechanisms and common potentially modifiable risk factors. 3 , 4 Changes in physical activity and diet patterns have been linked to mental health outcomes and compelling evidence suggests that unhealthy weight-related risk factors are bi-directionally associated with common mental health disorders. 5 There is potential then that interventions aiming to promote healthy weight among adolescents may also impact on mental health and well-being outcomes.
Overweight and obesity treatment programmes appear to have positive psychological impacts for children and adolescents; a systematic review examining the impact of weight management programmes on self-esteem found that despite variance in methodology and treatment design, there were overall positive effects for self-esteem following weight treatment programmes in paediatric overweight populations. 6 This review highlighted the importance of considering both physical and emotional health outcomes from weight-based treatment for overweight adolescents. A second review examined the psychological outcomes of weight loss following behavioural and diet interventions in overweight/obese populations 7 finding that improvements in body image and health-related quality of life were consistently associated with weight loss.
Given weight-related stigma and particular sensitivity to body image concerns during adolescence, it is also important to ensure overweight/obesity focused programmes are not causing psychological harm to participants. O'Dea 8 identified the importance of prevention versus treatment for obesity, emphasising that prevention initiatives must encompass all the dimensions of a child's health and that other healthy behaviours should not be forfeited in place overweight and obesity prevention. Care must be taken to avoid further stigmatising overweight and obese young people, and to ensure the health messages delivered in obesity prevention interventions do not damage any other domains of health, such as normal eating behaviours, or self-esteem.
One systematic review 9 examined prevention of mental disorders in children, adolescents and adults, with studies included if they included interventions aimed at positively affecting mental health outcomes. Interventions were mostly based on cognitive behavioural therapy/counselling sessions, drug therapy or prosocial behaviour management programmes. This review did not examine obesity prevention interventions. One other review 10 examined mental health and wellness in relation to the prevention of childhood obesity in studies from January 2000 to January 2011. This review identified that psychosocial emotional health is one of the most neglected areas of study in childhood overweight/obesity and that many recommendations focus on physical outcomes such as body mass index, ignoring the impact on psychological or social well-being. Three systematic reviews have examined community-based obesity prevention studies in children and adolescents; however, none of these reviews investigated mental health and well-being outcomes either as intentional effects or side effects of the interventions. 11–13
Currently, our understanding of mental health outcomes in obesity prevention interventions is limited because existing systematic reviews are limited to specific high-risk groups such as individuals classified as overweight or obese, 7 , 10 individuals undergoing weight management 6 or mental health treatment programmes. 9 For community-based obesity prevention interventions, previous reviews have focused solely on weight status outcomes, and none have reported mental health and well-being outcomes. 11–13 It remains unknown whether positive mental health effects have been achieved following such interventions and whether obesity prevention interventions protect mental health and well-being to ensure no harm has been done.
Despite emerging empirical evidence highlighted above, there is not yet a clear synthesis of the literature relating to the effect of obesity prevention interventions on mental health outcomes. Without this understanding, efforts to target and protect mental health in such interventions are limited. The purpose of this systematic review is to evaluate the mental health outcomes following community-based obesity prevention interventions among adolescents, and develop a set of recommendations for future interventions. This review is limited to controlled studies.
The specific questions addressed in this review were:
What mental health and well-being outcomes have been examined in community-based obesity prevention interventions for adolescents and what do the findings reveal?
Inclusion/exclusion criteria.
The search was designed to identify studies that were community-based obesity prevention interventions, targeting adolescent populations. Community-based interventions were defined as those that target a group of individuals or a geographic community but are not aimed at a single individual. This included cities, schools and community healthcare centres. It did not include clinical settings. Adolescence was defined as the period including and between 10–19 years as defined by the WHO. Studies that were randomised control trials (RCTs), quasi-experimental and natural experiments were eligible for selection. Inclusion criteria were (1) primary research; (2) overweight or obesity prevention interventions; (3) community-based; (4) targeted adolescent population; (5) mental health measure reported at baseline and follow-up; (6) included a comparison or control group and (7) were published through October 2014. Exclusion criteria were (1) obesity treatment/management interventions; (2) targeted children or adult populations and (3) focused on specific high risk (such as overweight/obese adolescents), or that were designed to suit specific demographics such those living in rural areas. Studies were not excluded based on ethnicity. This review was focused on interventions to prevent overweight and obesity, and therefore studies examining eating disorders and underweight management were not eligible for review. Exclusion criteria were set to ensure studies examining adolescents who were representative of the broader population were sourced.
Mental health and well-being outcomes included any diagnosed psychopathologies, or symptoms of psychopathologies (eg, depression or depressive symptoms). Given that obesity prevention interventions have rarely investigated psychological and cognitive mediators, 14 studies that included health-related quality of life, self-efficacy and other psychosocial factors were eligible for inclusion. Owing to outcome measures utilising different measurement tools, there were no principle summary measures set. The overall findings in relation to mental health and well-being were summarised individually and combined.
Articles for this review were sourced from CINAHL, Global Health, Health Source: Nursing and Academic Edition, MEDLINE, PsycARTICLES and PsycINFO, all of which were accessed through EBSCOhost. In addition, the same search was also performed on the Cochrane Database to ensure all relevant articles were screened for eligibility. The search was limited to peer-reviewed paper published from database inception through October 2014. A range of search terms was used to maximise the yield of the search for studies that conducted a community-based obesity prevention intervention among adolescents and included a mental health or well-being measure. Search terms were selected based on components of obesity prevention interventions, community settings and mental health/well-being outcomes. Mental health and well-being outcomes are described in more detail in the following section. The full search strategy including search terms can be found in figure 1 . The reference lists of selected articles and reference lists of other systematic reviews were screened by two independent authors to identify all relevant articles for potential study selection. Disagreements in study selection were resolved by a third reviewer. The studies included in the previously mentioned systematic reviews 10–13 examining community-based obesity preventions were scanned to determine whether they included adolescent samples, and if so, the original article was sourced and the full text was assessed for eligibility.
Search terms and strategy used in CINAHL, Global Health, Health Source: Nursing and Academic Edition, MEDLINE, PsycARTICLES and PsycINFO, all of which were accessed through EBSCOhost. In addition, the same search was also performed on the Cochrane Database to ensure all relevant articles were screened for eligibility.
Two authors (EH and LM) screened titles, abstracts and reference lists for potential inclusion in this review. Forty-one articles were selected for full-text review to assess eligibility for inclusion. A standardised form for data extraction was created for study aim, characteristics, participants, intervention type, outcome measures and main findings ( table 1 ). Data were synthesised by categorising the components of the obesity prevention intervention and by the mental health outcome the study examined ( table 2 ). Mental health outcomes at follow-up were extracted and used as the main findings for this review. The quality of evidence was assessed using the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) system ( table 3 ). 15
Interventions designed to prevent overweight/obesity that include mental health outcomes in adolescents
Mental health outcomes (shaded) and community-based obesity prevention components of reviewed studies
Assessment of quality of studies based on mental health and well-being outcome using the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluation (GRADE) system
The search strategy yielded 621 abstracts through EBSCOhost and 140 studies through Cochrane Database which were screened by authors for possible inclusion. After screening, 46 full-text articles were selected and examined in detail to determine eligibility. A further 39 articles were excluded at this stage; 14 studies did not include mental health outcome measures, 23–36 14 studies sampled specific adolescent groups such as those at risk or already overweight/obese, 37–45 disadvantaged or sedentary adolescents, 46 , 47 or younger or older age groups, 48–50 six studies did not include an intervention design with a comparison or control group, 51–56 two studies failed to report mental health measures at follow-up, 29 , 57 two studies sampled from specific communities such a rural 58 or low-income schools, 59 and one study focused on disordered eating behaviours 60 leaving seven eligible studies for review. See figure 2 for flow chart process of article inclusion. A list of excluded studies with reasons for exclusion can be found in online supplementary table S1.
Flow diagram of studies that were identified using the search terms and strategy, articles screened for eligibility, included/excluded with reasons, following PRISMA guidelines.
Quality of evidence according to the GRADE rating system is summarised in table 3 . Owing to significant limitations in study design, inconsistency, lack of directness and sparse data for outcome of mental health disorders/symptoms the overall quality of evidence was very low. A full description of the GRADE rating system is described in Balshem et al 15
Two interventions took place in the USA, 17 , 19 and one each in France, 21 Australia, 20 Tonga, 16 Fiji 18 and New Zealand. 22 The details pertaining to study aim, intervention, design and outcomes are outlined in table 1 . The mental health domains measured in each study are summarised in table 2 . Six of the seven reviewed studies had samples consisting of close to half (40–55%) males. 16–18 , 20–22 One study had higher proportions of females at 72%. 19
Design methodology of the reviewed interventions included RCTs 17 , 19 , 21 and quasi-experimental studies. 16 , 18 , 20 , 22 Four of the reviewed studies had interventions that lasted 2–3 years, 16 , 18 , 20 , 22 and the other studies lasted 1 year, 17 6 months 21 and 9 weeks. 19 The interventions took place in schools 16 , 18–22 and in the general community 17 and shared similar specific intervention components; increased opportunities for adolescents to engage in physical activities and healthy eating behaviours; included educational sessions in relation to physical activity, nutrition and behaviours promoting healthy weight; targeted environmental aspects such as increased water fountains in school or improved canteen quality, and incorporated counselling or psychology sessions in relation to healthy living (see table 2 ). Community capacity building for obesity prevention was an explicit component in four of the reviewed studies. Four of the interventions 17–20 successfully reduced or prevented unhealthy weight in adolescents based on significant changes in weight from preintervention to postintervention. Two studies resulted in no significant effect in anthropometry postintervention. 16 , 22 One study 21 did not report anthropometric outcomes at follow-up.
Each of the seven interventions included a mental health measurement as an outcome, which fell into one or more of the following categories: mental health disorders (including depression and anxiety), health-related quality of life and self-perception referring to one's beliefs about oneself including self-concept, self-worth, self-esteem, body satisfaction and physical self-worth. Findings for each mental health outcome are discussed in detail below. Owing to heterogeneity in population characteristics, intervention components, outcome measures and duration of interventions, it was not possible to complete a meta-analysis.
Mental health disorders/symptoms.
Mental health disorders were examined as outcomes in one of the reviewed studies. 19 Melnyk et al 19 reported a moderate decrease in anxiety symptoms, as indicated by the Beck Youth Inventory ( BYI ) 61 from preintervention to postintervention (d=−0.56, p<0.05) in adolescents following a 9-week healthy lifestyles programme. The intervention consisted of 15 50 min sessions based on educational information on healthy lifestyles, strategies to build self-esteem, nutrition and physical activity. No significant mean difference was observed for depressive symptoms (Cohen's d=−0.32, p=0.11).
All four of the Pacific Obesity Prevention in Communities (OPIC) studies 16 , 18 , 20 , 22 measured health-related quality of life by the Adolescent Quality of Life Inventory (AQoL) 62 and Pediatric Quality of Life Inventory (PedsQoL). 63 Fotu et al 16 found that health-related quality of life increased in the intervention group at follow-up according to one measure (PedsQoL), however, remained significantly lower in the intervention group compared with the comparison group (p<0.001). Similarly, Kremer et al 18 found the intervention group had smaller increase in health-related quality of life compared with the comparison group (p<0.05) following a 3-year comprehensive school-based obesity prevention project. The other two OPIC studies, set in Geelong, Australia, 20 and Auckland, New Zealand, 22 did not find significant changes in HRQoL from baseline to follow-up in either measure.
Two obesity prevention intervention studies among adolescents have included self-perception as an outcome measure. 17 , 21 Huang et al 17 assessed self-esteem using the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale 64 and found no significant differences between intervention and control groups following a 1-year intervention targeting physical activity, sedentary and diet behaviours. Simon et al 21 assessed self-efficacy with self-reported questions scored on a six-point Likert scale, and found no significant differences in self-efficacy between comparison and intervention groups following a 6-month programme aimed at preventing excessive weight gain by promoting physical activity.
An examination of the literature on obesity prevention interventions targeting adolescents in community settings reveals that the following mental health outcomes have been reported: anxiety and depressive symptoms, health-related quality of life, body image, self-worth and self-esteem. Obesity prevention interventions that have included mental health measures as outcomes have taken place most commonly in school settings (n=7) and have had the primary focus on anthropometry at follow-up. The GRADE quality of evidence assessment revealed very low quality of evidence for mental health disorders or symptoms, and low quality of evidence for health-related quality of life and self-perception.
Findings of mental health outcomes following community-based obesity prevention interventions were mixed. A significant decrease in anxiety symptoms was found in the intervention group compared with controls following a 9-week healthy lifestyle intervention; however, no significant differences were found in depressive symptoms. 19 Of the four studies that examined health-related quality of life, two 16 , 18 found significant increases postintervention; however, these increases were smaller than increases observed in the control groups. The other two studies 20 , 22 that examined health-related quality of life did not find any significant changes in health-related quality of life following 3-year obesity prevention interventions in school settings. Two studies found no significant differences in self-esteem or self-efficacy following a 1-year 17 and 6-month 21 intervention. Common characteristics across the interventions that demonstrated positive mental health outcomes were: inclusion of a physical exercise component, education components targeting healthy living behaviours (specifically healthy eating and physical activity), group-based sessions aimed at both healthy living and provision of opportunities for adolescents to engage in meaningful activities that promote personal development (such as mastery, friendships, leadership). Mechanisms contributing to significant findings are difficult to identify due to heterogeneity in interventions delivered to adolescents.
Interventions that included a cognitive behavioural component, or that were theoretically based on cognitive behavioural theory, 21 , 65 showed positive findings in promotion of mental health and well-being. Cognitive behavioural approach refers to the thoughts and beliefs in relation to behaviour, and this approach is widely accepted as a beneficial therapy for mental health disorders. 66–68 Research suggests that adolescents who have stronger beliefs/confidence about their ability to engage in healthy lifestyle behaviours and perceive them as less difficult to perform are more likely to engage in more healthy choices. 19 Similarly, opportunities for adolescents to participate in physical activity or diet-related activities provide mastery experience. Bandura 69 outlined mastery experience as key in the theory of self-efficacy as this experience builds beliefs about capabilities to produce behaviours that exercise influence over events that affect their lives. Adolescents with greater perceived self-efficacy may be better equipped to maintain healthy lifestyles and deal with adversity such as mental health problems.
Importantly, there were some findings that suggested that intervention groups experienced poorer mental health following obesity prevention interventions compared with control groups. 16 , 18 Authors in one study acknowledged a potential explanation being that the schools that made up the intervention sample were located in a more urbanised main island in Tonga. 16 These students may have been exposed to more pressure in terms of achieving high examination results and obtaining employment or overseas tertiary education, compared with the less-urbanised outer island that made up the comparison sample. This may have been a result of biases in sampling technique, however exposes the need for targeted interventions to suit the specific needs of communities, as previously identified as a priority in obesity prevention. 70 Additionally, these findings may reflect negative consequences of the obesity prevention interventions. Potential psychological harm due to obesity interventions has been raised in previous research. 8 These results demonstrate the need to assess mental health to ensure no harm is being done to adolescents, and also highlights the importance of incorporating explicit aims to protect mental health of participants involved in such interventions.
As identified in this review, there is evidence for positive mental health outcomes following community-based obesity prevention interventions; however, the number of interventions incorporating mental health measures is few (n=7). The findings of this systematic review demonstrate the dearth of evidence: there were 14 studies excluded from this review for not including a mental health measure, and two studies that included a measure but failed to report the mental health outcomes at follow-up. Given the comorbidity between overweight/obesity and obesogenic behaviours with mental and emotional health, 4 , 5 , 71 and the increased vulnerability to both unhealthy weight and mental health problems during adolescence, 72 , 73 future interventions should aim to include mental health measures to assess the impact such interventions are having on participant's mental health and well-being. In addition, the issue of directionality still remains in relation to changes in obesogenic behaviours and mental health, and risk factors that may be common to both conditions. Sample biases exist in the reviewed studies with majority of interventions taking place at school 16 , 18–22 and consequently overlooking those adolescents who do not attend school and may represent a population in need of mental health support. Additionally, two 16 , 22 of the seven reviewed studies did not find significant improvements in weight status postintervention, and therefore were not successful in meeting their primary obesity-related aims. The implications of these null findings are outside the scope of this review, however may limit the extent to which mental health can be evaluated as an outcome of the reviewed interventions, given that the effectiveness of interventions’ obesity prevention was varied.
Finally, the current review categorised mental health outcomes by disorders, health-related quality of life or self-perception. The extent to which results can be compared is limited by use of different mental health instruments. Mental disorders, for example, have been measured by diagnostic tools indicating presence of a disorder and also symptomatic measures that indicate suspected presence of disorder symptoms. Such differences affect findings as outcomes vary greatly depending on mental health measures being used.
This review has some limitations. As discussed in the GRADE quality of evidence assessment, many studies published have included less than optimal study designs and this may have biased the findings presented here. As the primary aim of obesity prevention interventions is to reduce or prevent weight gain, this may have led to mental health outcomes being under-reported or not reported at all. Eligible interventions may therefore have not been included in the analysis because of a lack of published data. A further limitation of this review was that a meta-analysis could not be performed due to heterogeneity in the reviewed studies.
This systematic review was also limited in focusing solely on obesity prevention interventions that were community-based. Studies conducted in clinical settings were excluded from this review and these studies may have provided important insight into the mental health and well-being. Previous research examining mental health in clinical settings have discussed psychosocial issues such as weight stigmatisation, and the negative impact this has on client's emotional health. 74 Within clinical settings, there also appears to be psychological benefits such as improved body image and health-related quality of life, however these issues have been under-reported due to being considered secondary to the primary aim of obesity prevention, 75 which reflects the findings found in the current review.
Despite limitations this study has a number of strengths. There was a range of obesity prevention interventions included in this review including differences in duration, components and country where the intervention took place. The review process was systematic and all studies included were assessed based on strict eligibility and exclusion criteria and robust review methods were used including the searching of multiple databases to ensure all relevant articles were included in this review. The inclusion of the GRADE quality of evidence assessment ensured that the findings presented here could be considered in relation to the quality of research in which they are found.
Future research needs to build on what is already known about the effect of community-based obesity prevention interventions on mental health outcomes in adolescents, as the mechanisms affecting these outcomes are yet to be clearly defined. Mental health is strongly recommended to become a primary outcome of obesity prevention interventions, as potential benefits do exist, however rarely have mental health measures been evaluated (or reported) in community-based interventions. Additionally, two of the reviewed interventions were not successful in reducing or preventing unhealthy weight gain and future research should evaluate the mental health and well-being of adolescents alongside the efficaciousness of obesity prevention initiatives, to highlight potential shared underlying mechanisms.
Comorbidity between poor mental health and poor physical health is well established 76 and evidence for successful community-based obesity prevention strategies among adolescents is growing. A focus now needs to be placed on mental health of adolescents in these interventions. It is recommended that obesity prevention interventions incorporate mental health measures to monitor the mental health and well-being of adolescents. This review supports a shift in thinking around mental health, from a secondary outcome of these interventions to a primary outcome alongside overweight and obesity, to ensure that the mechanisms leading to comorbidity can be identified and outcomes can be improved through these interventions. In addition, including such measures can allow care to be taken to ensure that community-based obesity prevention initiatives do not have adverse effects on adolescents’ mental health.
Supplementary data.
This web only file has been produced by the BMJ Publishing Group from an electronic file supplied by the author(s) and has not been edited for content.
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Contributors EH contributed to the conception and design of the study, performed the literature search, extracted and analysed data, and drafted and revised the manuscript. MF-T and HS contributed to the conception and design of the study, analysed data, critically revised the manuscript and approved the final draft. LM screened articles for eligibility for review. LM and MN were involved in drafting the manuscript, critically revising the piece and approved the final draft. SA critically revised the manuscript and approved the final draft for publication.
Funding SA is supported by funding from an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council/Australian National Heart Foundation Career Development Fellowship (APP1045836). SA is a researcher on the US National Institutes of Health grant titled Systems Science to Guide Whole-of-Community Childhood Obesity Interventions (1R01HL115485-01A1). SA is a researcher within a NHMRC Centre for Research Excellence in Obesity Policy and Food Systems (APP1041020).
Competing interests None.
Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.
Data sharing statement No additional data are available.
COMMENTS
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