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The 2015 European Refugee Crisis

In 2015, a record 1,005,504 asylum seekers and migrants reached Europe in search of security and a better future. (For definitions of refugee, asylum seeker and migrant see here ).That same year, almost 4,000 people went missing in the trajectory to Europe, with many presumed to have drowned in the Mediterranean. Fifty percent of people came from Syria, followed by Afghanistan and Iraq. Most people landed on the shores of Italy and Greece, while others trekked from Turkey, through the Balkan states, into Hungary. The majority of refugees and migrants aimed to go to northern and western Europe, particularly Germany and Sweden, where reception and support facilities were deemed to be better. These countries were already home to family and community members of the countries of origin, which asylum seekers hoped would facilitate integration.

New Pathways

The uptick in people arriving in Europe was due to several factors. After four years of a brutal civil war, many Syrians felt they could no longer risk their lives in the country. Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, which by then already hosted four million Syrian refugees , were not ideal options given limited work, education and housing opportunities. The situations in Afghanistan and Iraq were also becoming untenable as extremist groups such as the Taliban and Islamic State strengthened their grips on parts of the countries. In addition, political and social instability in Libya opened the door to increased human trafficking towards Europe.

case study about refugees

Concurrently, routes to Western Europe via the Balkans were also becoming a viable option : they were cheaper and came recommended by smugglers paid to get people into Europe. This did not result in a rerouting of people, but rather an increase in the number of travellers via the various routes. Another factor that increased the number of migrants and refugees was Germany’s announcement on August 21 2015 that it would suspend the Dublin Regulation for Syrian asylum seekers in Germany. This meant people could claim asylum in Germany, as opposed to in the country where they first reached Europe (more on the EU’s asylum policies below).

Increased Arrivals

Increased numbers of refugees and migrants had been arriving at Europe’s Mediterranean coast since 2014. In fact, between 2013 and 2014, the number of people arriving by sea increased from 60,000 to 219,000 (a 265% increase). In 2014, more than three quarters of people arrived in Italy. These trends changed in 2015, when more and more people traveled via the eastern Mediterranean route and arrived in Greece, making it the top destination for migrants and refugees. In 2015, over 100,000 people arrived in Hungary, many of them aiming to trek west to Germany (see map above).

Deaths at Sea

Between January and April 2015, 900 people had already died trying to cross the Mediterranean in hopes of arriving in Europe. On April 19 2015, a boat from Libya carrying some 900 migrants and refugees capsized off the island of Lampedusa, Italy. At least 800 people died, making it one of the deadliest tragedies on the Mediterranean that year.

Media attention on the situation began to increase in 2015. After the Lampedusa shipwreck, organizations such as the UN Refugee Agency and Human Rights Watch, which had already been calling for Europeans to take action, stepped up their advocacy. The drownings in the Mediterranean began to be seen by the media and the general public as a humanitarian emergency (see headlines from CNN , Vox , and Foreign Policy ). Loris de Filippi, President of Medecins Sans Frontieres, noted “A mass grave is being created in the Mediterranean Sea and European policies are responsible.”

The situation on the mainland was increasingly dire, as refugees and migrants were forced to live in undignified detention camps or on the street . The UN, Human Rights Watch and other organizations demanded that Greece stop its inhumane and prolonged detention of refugees and migrants in deficient detention centres, stepping up advocacy after the apparent suicide of a Pakistani man at a detention centre in February.

As the summer months brought improved sailing conditions on the Mediterranean sea, it was likely that sea arrivals would increase (as they did in June to September 2014). Given the number of fatalities on the Mediterranean, increased pressure from media and non-governmental organizations, and lacking reception capacities in Italy and Greece, the European Commission acted to find a solution to the problem quickly. 

All members of the EU are party to the 1951 Refugee Convention as well as its 1967 Protocol . These instruments define what constitutes a refugee as well as describe a state’s responsibilities in providing international protection. Several important principles underpin the Convention, including non-penalization, non-refoulement , and non-discrimination. Further, article 18 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union lists the right to asylum as a fundamental right.  

case study about refugees

The legislative framework corresponding to asylum seekers in the European Union is the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). CEAS was established to ensure fairness, effectiveness and coherence in asylum procedures among EU member states. Given the lack of borders and focus on freedom of movement that underlie the EU, developing a collaborative approach to migration and asylum was critical to the effective functioning of the policy.

The first phase of the creation of CEAS took place between 1999 and 2005. Several policies were developed to ensure the harmonization of legal frameworks among Member States. These policies include the European Refugee Fund and the Family Reunification Directive .

The second phase of CEAS development took place after a period of consultation with relevant stakeholders and an evaluation of previous policies. The European Commission utilized the results from this reflection as the basis for the Policy Plan on Asylum , which it presented in June 2008. This policy plan set the workplan for further development of CEAS. Some of the overarching goals of the plan include:

  • the provision of a common asylum procedure
  • establishing uniform statuses for asylum and subsidiary protection
  • determining responsibility and support solidarity among Member States

The Dublin System

An important component of CEAS is the Dublin III Regulation . Originally established as the Dublin Convention in 1990 and subsequently replaced by the Dublin III Regulation in 2013, this law determines which Member State is responsible for evaluating an asylum application and, consequently, which state is responsible for supporting said refugee. Specifically, it states that people seeking asylum must present their claim in the first European country in which they arrive.

There are discretionary clauses that allow countries to examine asylum applications even if they are not meant to under the regulation. The “sovereignty clause” allows a country to take responsibility for an application on humanitarian grounds such as the health of the applicant, or for cost effectiveness reasons, among others. The “humanitarian clause” allows countries to examine applications for reasons such as family reunification. A system of transfers permits countries to transfer applicants to other countries for asylum examination under this scheme.

The regulation is meant to guarantee a more thorough evaluation of claims and prevent individuals from claiming asylum in several EU countries at once. Additionally, this law is supposed to prevent “asylum shopping”, or having individuals seek asylum in certain countries of their choice.

Problems with the Dublin System

The Dublin system was plagued by problems long before the events of 2015. Several studies point at divergences in the ways in which member states applied the regulations, resulting in asylum seekers being deprived of access to fair and efficient asylum procedures. The discretionary clauses described above are rarely applied and some Member States, such as Bulgaria, have procedural restrictions for the application of the sovereignty clause. Likewise, recognition rates between countries varied widely . For example, in 2014 Sweden recognized 100% of Syrian refugee claims, the UK recognized 89% and Slovakia 43%. This data gives little evidence of a common, harmonized asylum policy.

The Dublin Regulation did not work as originally envisaged for several reasons. Having asylum seekers register their claim in frontline countries such Italy and Hungary places inordinate burdens on these countries. So while the policy assigned obligation it did not promote responsibility sharing and solidarity among Member States, contrary to what CEAS aimed to bring about. The regulation was also inefficient. For example, in 2013 more than a third of people in Europe made asylum claims in two or more European countries. This statistic shows another problem with the policy: it ignores people’s own preferences for where they seek asylum.

Having never before experienced such a large inflow of people, the European asylum system was put to the test, revealing significant deficiencies. In 2015 strong calls for changing the Dublin system were being made throughout the EU. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe declared the Dublin system to be “dysfunctional and ineffective and should be urgently reformed to ensure ‘equitable burden sharing’ among member States.”

case study about refugees

As the events of 2014 and 2015 unfolded, it became clear that the Dublin Regulation could not manage large inflows of people in a fair and effective way, leading to the corrosion of the European asylum system and human rights violations.

The European Agenda on Migration

On April 23, 2015 a meeting between Foreign Ministers and Interior Ministers took place in Luxembourg to discuss the refugee crisis. Though this meeting had been planned since March, it was all too fitting that it took place one day after the shipwreck off Lampedusa. During the meeting, leaders produced a 10 point action plan to immediately address the crisis in the Mediterranean. These actions included efforts to destroy boats used by smugglers, reinforcing joint operations in the Mediterranean, and an EU-wide voluntary resettlement mechanism for refugees. 

“The 10 actions we have agreed upon today are the direct, substantial measures we will take to make an immediate difference. All of these actions require our common effort, the European institutions and the 28 Member States”, jointly stated High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini and Commissioner Dimitris Avramopoulos.

On May 13, the Commission adopted the European Agenda on Migration , a political document that set out a series of steps the EU would take to “build up a coherent and comprehensive approach to reap the benefits and address the challenges deriving from migration” (pg. 2). It described various immediate measures to mitigate the crisis and improve migration policy in the medium and long term. Acknowledging the fragmentation of CEAS as a result of mistrust between Member States, the Agenda included the formation of a new monitoring process to ensure implementation of asylum rules and to bring about trust.

The document highlighted the need for shared responsibility among Member States and called for better management of migration policy. Importantly, the Agenda proposed mandatory quotas for the relocation of asylum seekers to Member States, a temporary derogation from the Dublin system. This meant proposing the Council of the European Union trigger Article 78(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which allows for “provisional measures” in the event that one or more Member States are affected by the sudden arrival of third country nationals.

The quotas per country were to be based on factors such as GDP, population size, and unemployment. The number of people to be relocated from Greece and Italy would be specified to 40,000 at a follow-up announcement on the agenda’s implementation two weeks later. An additional 20,000 refugees outside of the EU would also be distributed throughout Europe.

During the press conference to announce the agenda Federica Mogherini, High Representative leading the European External Action Service and Vice President of the European Commission, highlighted the collaborative, integrated nature of the new plan: “The response is finally European. And it is also (…) a comprehensive response means that it tackles all different aspects of a problem that is complex, is not going to be solved from today to tomorrow but we have a set of European policies that can be put together, and we are doing that in an integrated and coordinated way…finally we don’t have a European response but we have an integrated European response,” (see video below).

A Second Plan for Relocation

As the conflict in Syria worsened over the summer months and ever increasing numbers of people arrived in Europe, in September 2015 the Council made the decision to add another 120,000 people for relocation from Italy and Greece. Interestingly Hungary, which had also seen a significant influx of people, was originally included as a beneficiary in the scheme. However, it refused to be part of it because it did not see itself as a frontline country (Prime Minister Viktor Orban argued that most people arriving in Hungary had already travelled through Greece). In addition, Hungary did not want to have to register and distribute thousands of people, effectively becoming an “EU refugee camp”- something Italy and Greece would eventually see on their soils.

In its decision, the Council highlighted that personal characteristics of asylum seekers such as family and cultural ties should be taken into account when making relocation verdicts (another welcome change from the structure of the Dublin Regulation). Although the relocation scheme announced in May was voluntary in nature, this second one was legally binding for all Member States.

Unfortunately, calls for action by the Commission were quickly met with resistance by various Member States, decreasing the effectiveness of the agenda. As one unnamed ambassador to the EU said to the news magazine Der Spiegel in June 2015, "From today's perspective, the agenda was dead an hour after it was born."

In particular, there was pushback against the quotas, which had been presented as a “voluntary pilot project” in the 10 point action plan. Eastern and central European countries such as Hungary, Czech Republic and Poland announced that they would refuse mandatory quotas, quoting an affront to their sovereignty. Slovakia filed a lawsuit against the quota system, with Prime Minister Fico calling the quotas “nonsensical and technically impossible.” By December 2015, only 130 and 54 asylum seekers from Italy and Greece, respectively, had been relocated to other countries. At the pace of transfers shown in the first five months since the relocation announcement by the Commission, it would take more than 750 years to relocate the 160,000 asylum seekers in Italy and Greece, according to the New York Times .

The slow progress on Council Decisions was indicative of the low level of implementation and transposition of asylum policy formulated at the EU-level. According to the Centre for European Policy Studies , a think tank, this is due to lacking legislative reforms related to EU legal acts as well as poor administrative and judicial capacities among certain member states (especially in relation to asylum policy). Although the Commission announced that it would more effectively guarantee the enforcement and implementation of EU legislation, actions by some Member States continued to show certain opposition to centrally mandated policy. Frans Timmermans, First Vice President of the European Commission 2014-2019 pointed out on the magazine Foreign Policy, “It ain’t rocket science. To analyze the problem is not that difficult, and to also point to solutions isn’t even that difficult. The difficulty is to get member states to come together on those solutions.” Without coherent collaboration among states, it was gradually evident that European leaders would have to make an alternative decision to address the crisis.

As hundreds of thousands of people arrived in the EU, anti-immigration sentiment in many parts of the region grew. While some Member States called for solidarity and human rights, others called for sovereignty and greater border control. At stake was the unity of the European alliance.

On August 21, after the number of people arriving in Europe reached record levels in July, Germany’s Federal Office of Migration and Exiles announced that it would suspend the Dublin Regulation for Syrians, thereby allowing people to claim asylum there instead of at their first port of entry. This was meant to ease the situation for border countries like Hungary and Greece, which were overburdened with daily arrivals. The EU Commission welcomed the move, calling it an act of solidarity. The country expected up to 800,000 people to arrive that year.

In September, France and Britain also announced plans to take in refugees and migrants. France said it would welcome 24,000 people between 2015 and 2017, while Prime Minister David Cameron said his country would accommodate 20,000 Syrian refugees between 2015 and 2020.

case study about refugees

Still, other countries took different approaches. On June 23, Hungary announced that it would indefinitely suspend provisions of the Dublin regulation due to “technical reasons” and stop accepting asylum seekers transferred back from other countries. About 60,000 migrants and refugees had entered the country through Serbia that year and, as government spokesman Zoltan Kovacs noted, “the boat is full”. This announcement prompted the EU Commission to ask for “immediate clarification” of the technical reasons. One day later, Hungary reversed its decision and said it was only seeking a grace period to manage incoming asylum seekers.

Hungary once again made headlines in October erected a razor-wire fence along its border with Croatia. Having also sealed its border with Serbia, the country effectively blocked major entrances for refugees and migrants. Officials said they would instead direct people to Slovenia. The move was widely criticized by the EU Commission, Member States and the United Nations. Natasha Bertaud, a spokeswoman for the European Commission, said , “We have only just torn down walls in Europe; we should not be putting them up.”

Also in October, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, urged the Czech Republic to stop detaining refugees and migrants in conditions described as inhumane. “According to credible reports from various sources, the violations of the human rights of migrants are neither isolated nor coincidental, but systematic: they appear to be an integral part of a policy by the Czech Government designed to deter migrants and refugees from entering the country or staying there,” Zeid said .

On September 13, less than one month after opening its doors, Germany imposed border restrictions with Austria as it tried to cope with huge influxes of people. Thomas de Maiziere, the Interior Minister, noted that the closure was in order to limit the number of people arriving in Germany and to address “urgent security reasons.” In this surprising about-face, Berlin seemed to once again support the Dublin system. This move also revoked the Schengen agreement, which includes free travel within the EU, prompting many to question the future of the union.

case study about refugees

And so, as leaders struggled to cope, divisiveness grew and solidarity lessened, and migrants and refugees kept coming. To make matters worse, October and November would bring harsh conditions on the Mediterranean, increasing the likelihood of deaths during crossings. European leaders then increased efforts to bring about an alternative they had been working on for several months: an agreement between the EU and Turkey to decrease a significant portion of the flow of refugees. Although the agreement would be widely repudiated, the decision to sign it was seen as the most viable solution to the problem at the time.

Various actors played important roles in the events of 2015-2016. The actions of the EU Commission and Member States have been discussed above. The following section will discuss several non-governmental actors and their roles in changing the narrative surrounding the refugee crisis in order to meet their policy aims. The key moments and their impact on public opinion and policy are also included.

As mentioned above, the shipwrecks and deaths along the Mediterranean in the spring of 2015 presented the situation as a humanitarian crisis. Organizations like Human Rights Watch called on leaders to have compassion: “ Dispatches: Where is Britain’s Compassion for Migrants in Crisis? ” Save the Children, one of the aid agencies working in Italy to support arrivals, said in a statement : "We cannot stand by and watch while thousands of people lose their lives to follow their wish: to find a better life far from war, dictatorships and poverty.”

The UNHCR (which collaborated with the Commission in various aspects throughout the crisis) and other UN agencies routinely advocated for the safety and dignity of asylum seekers and refugees. It often pressured the EU to formulate policies that would address the root causes of displacement, ensure safe pathways to Europe for asylum seekers (i.e. deterring smuggling) and support local integration. For example, when the European Council held a Special Meeting in April 2015 to discuss the emergency in the Mediterranean, the UNHCR and several other agencies released a joint statement commending them for the initiatives taken while also encouraging the EU to take additional measures to respect the rights of refugees and migrants.

Another important call to action from the UN and NGOs was for shared responsibility via increased resettlement of Syrian and other refugees. In 2014, the UNHCR asked states to commit to multi-annual resettlement schemes for an additional 100,000 Syrian refugees. However, resettlement numbers remained low . In 2015, only 52,583 and 10,236 refugees were resettled in the United States and Canada, low numbers when considering the magnitude of needs.

Asylum Seekers and Refugees

Ironically the voices of those who the EU was trying to help were not widely heard by policymakers. Large NGOs and UN agencies served as conduits, providing feedback to policymakers who then made decisions behind closed doors. One Syrian refugee woman at a refugee camp in Greece said , "Europe does not see us as human." Relatedly, one of the biggest criticisms of the relocation scheme is that, contrary to what EU officials say, relocation decisions did not take into account the personal preferences of asylum seekers. In other words, policies were not meeting the needs of those affected by them, making them less inefficient.

Public opinion varied widely within and between Member States, and views in regards to refugee flows tended to be highly polarized in some countries, in particular Germany.

The Eurobarometer, a biannual survey carried out in Europe by the European Commission, reported that in the spring of 2015 immigration was the most important issue facing the EU (38%). This was a 14-point increase since the autumn of 2014. By the fall of 2015 , immigration had become the most important issue among 58% of Europeans. In the same survey, 59% of people said they had negative feelings about immigration from outside the EU, compared to 34% who had positive feelings.

case study about refugees

Public opinion in Germany was particularly polarized, with large portions showing support for migrants while others rejected them. Thousands of Germans helped by opening up schools for refugee children, donating food and clothes to refugee camps, teaching German, taking refugees to appointments with authorities and paying for medical bills. A poll taken in September 2015 showed that 37% of respondents were in favour of Germany continuing to take similar numbers of refugees in the future, and 22% said the country should take more (33% of respondents indicated Germany should take fewer refugees). In Frankfurt and other large cities, huge crowds gathered at the Hauptbanhof to welcome refugees and give them water and food. At the same time, massive demonstrations against migrants and refugees took place throughout the country. In the first six months of 2015, 150 arson or other attacks against migrant shelters took place, compared to 170 attacks in all of 2014. Support for far-right parties with anti-immigrant stances, such as Alternative for Germany (AfD), swelled during this time.

Similarly polarized support was present in Austria, Britain and other countries. Strong anti-migrant demonstrations took place in Czech Republic , Italy, and others.

Several events in 2015 fuelled sentiment and policy. The first event was the shipwreck off the coast of Italy (discussed above), which served as a catalyst for European leaders to act.

The second event was the widespread publication of the image of the body of three-year-old Syrian boy Alan Kurdi on a beach in Turkey. Alan and most of his family had perished attempting to cross from Turkey to Greece. According to a report from Sheffield University, the images were seen by 20 million people in 12 hours. This event triggered people’s emotions around the world and as noted by Dr. Clare Wardle, one of the report’s authors, the image helped “the Syrian refugee crisis hit the European consciousness.” In France, a poll taken by the Elabe polling agency, showed that support for welcoming more refugees had risen to 53% from 44% after the image of Alan was published.

case study about refugees

A third event that this time contributed to a negative narrative regarding refugees and migrants were the terrorist attacks in Paris on November 13, where 130 people died. It was initially reported that one of the perpetrators had entered Europe as a refugee. This sent shockwaves through parts of Europe, where several leaders and segments of the general population became apprehensive about refugees in Europe. In response to the attacks , France introduced border controls and Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs declared that they would only accept refugees if they had security guarantees. Prime Minister Viktor Orban said “ In a deliberate and organized way, terrorists have exploited mass migration by mingling in the mass of people leaving their homes in the hope of a better life ,” further stoking anti-immigrant feelings in his constituents.

Another event that further deteriorated previously positive attitudes were the December 31 events in Cologne, Germany. Over the course of the evening, hundreds of women were victimized by mainly Arab and north African men. Approximately 1,200 complaints were filed, including 500 for sexual assault. This resulted in significant backlash against Angela Merkel’s refugee policy and questioned the efficacy efforts for local integration.

It should be noted that the region close to Syria had been hosting Syrian refugees since 2011.  By September 2015, Turkey hosted 2.2 million Syrian refugees and had spent $7.6 billion caring for them. Turkey was and continues to be the largest host of registered Syrian refugees. Syrians in Turkey were placed under the “ Temporary Protection Regime ” which protected them from refoulement and ensured their right to education and health, among other services. However, Syrians needed government-issued work permits to work legally, which made legal work opportunities difficult and drove many to informal labour. (Turkey is a signatory of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol. However, the 1967 Protocol allowed countries to grandfather in obligations from the 1951 Convention. This means it could apply the Convention only to pre-1951 refugees and only to those of European origin). Although limited, Turkey provided crucial support to millions of Syrian refugees.

Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon and other countries in North Africa also provided protection to hundreds of thousands of Syrians. For example, Jordan and Iraq hosted over 600,000 and 240,000 Syrians, respectively. Insufficient humanitarian funding meant that life was very difficult for Syrians in exile. In Jordan, 86% of refugees living outside camps lived below the poverty line of USD 3.2 per day.

While the EU struggled to keep up with the influx of people, its leaders saw a potential solution in Turkey, whose geographic location also made it a key transit area for people travelling to Europe. On October 15, following months of meetings, the EU and Turkey announced the development of a Joint Action Plan that sought to increase cooperation to support Syrians and help manage migration. Specifically, the plan stipulated that the EU provide immediate humanitarian assistance and financial resources to Turkey. In turn, Turkey would provide support to Syrians under temporary protection, tightening its borders and stemming further migration to Europe. In addition, Turkey would receive political concessions, including a revitalization of talks for the country to join the EU and visa-free travel for Turkish citizens. This decision would do what the Dublin System had failed to do: provide a way to manage the large numbers of people hoping to remake their lives in Europe.

The deal included several controversial conditions. At that time refugees in Turkey could not attain refugee status, but rather “temporary status.” This meant they could not work or access education or health services, an invariably bleak outlook for people hoping to restart their lives. In addition, migrants and asylum seekers who arrived in Greece after March 20 2016 would be sent back to Turkey, which was now being denominated a safe third country. For every Syrian refugee sent back to Turkey, a Syrian from Turkey would be resettled in Europe taking into account UN vulnerability criteria. Reception facilities in Greece were turned into detention centres, and European officials began to focus on returning asylum seekers and migrants rather than processing applications.

The agreement was signed on November 24 2015 at a summit in Brussels, formalizing the plan. The deal brought with it €3 billion in aid for Turkey. When referring to the deal, Frans Timmermans said: "In dealing with the refugee crisis, it is absolutely clear that the European Union needs to step up its cooperation with Turkey and Turkey with the European Union. We both need to work together and to implement the Joint Action Plan which will bring order into migratory flows and help to stem irregular migration.”

The deal brought with it a change in the narrative: the refugee crisis was no longer a humanitarian crisis, but a border crisis with political implications. As journalist James Traub wrote in Foreign Policy , “ From the point of view of Europe’s political leaders, who must be attentive to increasingly frightened publics, the refugee crisis was above all a crisis of borders and thus of state sovereignty. ”

Reception of the EU-Turkey Deal

The deal was not well received by many NGOs, the media and opinion leaders. One of the strongest criticisms was the notion that Turkey should be deemed a safe third country. Amnesty International called it a “ straight forward violation of international law ” to develop a migration policy on the understanding that Turkey could provide adequate protection to asylum seekers. The UNHCR, Medecins Sans Frontieres, the Norwegian Refugee Council, the International Rescue Committee and Save the Children all made statements indicating that they would not partake in what they saw as “mass expulsion.” Mari Elisabeth Ingres, head of MSF in Greece, declared : “We will not allow our assistance to be instrumentalized for a mass expulsion operation and we refuse to be part of a system that has no regard for the humanitarian or protection needs of asylum seekers and migrants.” The European Council of Refugees and Exiles, an alliance of 104 NGOs form 41 countries in Europe, expressed concern that the deal would increase the probability of refoulement and lead to human rights violations. The charity Choose Love and many others commented that Europe had essentially “outsourced border control in exchange for cash and political gestures – and done so at great cost to refugees”

Aftermath of the EU-Turkey Deal

The deal went into effect on March 20 2016 and the number of arrivals in Greece dropped dramatically afterward. According to UNHCR statistics , 856,723 people arrived in 2015, 173,450 arrived in 2016, and only 29,718 arrived in 2018. In addition 12,778 refugees have been resettled from Turkey to Europe. However, several challenges remain. There are currently about 12,000 people in Greece living in crowded and degrading conditions, and they lack access to health services.

case study about refugees

During a visit to Greece in January 2019, Chancellor Angela Merkel announced that the deal was not working properly. She noted that people were not being sent back to Turkey as originally envisaged, and acknowledged that people continue to travel to mainland Europe via illegal migration from the Greek islands. Another problem with the deal is that, as the doors to Greece closed, people chose other routes to getting to Europe. In 2018, Spain received 57,000 people , more than double the number of arrivals in 2017.

Reforming the Common European Asylum System

In April 2016, the Commission presented a proposal for reforming CEAS and enhancing legal avenues to Europe. The objective of the reform is to move away from the current system, which placed inordinate pressure on certain Member States and encouraged irregular migration.  The reformed system aims to be fairer and “grounded on the principles of responsibility and solidarity.”

case study about refugees

One of the reform’s five priorities is amending the Dublin regulation. The proposal acknowledges that the Dublin Regulation does not lead to sustainable responsibility sharing, it is not effectively enforced (for example, migrants sometimes refuse to apply for asylum in the first country of arrival) and it is not efficient (for example, migrants frequently travel back to the secondary state after they are transferred back to the Member State in which they are supposed to make their asylum claim). The proposal aims to either streamline or supplement the Dublin system with a “corrective fairness mechanism” or by “moving to a system based on a distribution key.” The overall objective is to adapt CEAS to better manage large influxes of asylum seekers and guarantee a higher level of solidarity and responsibility sharing between Member States.

However, changes to CEAS and the Dublin System have been slow over the past three years. Some point at the growing anti-immigrant waves in right-wing, populist Member States. These countries have pursued the tightening of borders and offshoring of asylum responsibilities to third countries. Instead of reforming Dublin, they prefer to focus on keeping asylum seekers outside of European soil.

Another challenge is the asymmetric interdependence that Natascha Zaun, Assistant Professor in Migration Studies at the European Institute of the London Schools of Economics, describes. She notes that, as long as the Visegrad countries (which have low levels of asylum applications) are unwilling to help countries with high numbers of applicants, cooperation is unlikely to happen. In addition, the politicization of the refugee issue since 2015 makes it even less likely that Member States will engage in binding mechanisms any time soon. It seems that CEAS and the Dublin System will remain without significant changes for the time being. 

On Saturday February 29, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan, announced that he had opened the northern borders of Turkey with Europe (a violation of the 2016 EU-Turkey agreement). The announcement came after 33 Turkish soldiers were killed in air strikes in Idlib province in Syria the previous week. Erdogan had been threatening to open the border for some time in order to pressure European leaders to respond to his demands. He accused Europe of not keeping up their commitments to support Turkey in hosting a population of Syrian refugees that has grown to 3.7 million (in addition to refugees from other countries in the Middle East and Africa). Erdogan has also repeatedly requested support for military interventions in Syria. During a speech on Saturday , Erdogan said, "What did we say? If this continues, we will be forced to open the doors”. Erdogan hopes the refugee influx will push Europe to act.

The European Council president, Charles Michel, spoke to Erdogan on Saturday, expressing his concern for the loss of the 33 soldiers. He also released a statement , noting that " The EU is actively engaged to uphold the EU-Turkey Statement and to support Greece and Bulgaria to protect the EU’s external borders". The EU has insisted that it expects Turkey to uphold the EU-Turkey agreement.

As thousands of people gathered at the Turkish border with Greece, the Greek government sent major military forces to the area. Greece also announced that it will suspend asylum for one month and deport any migrants entering illegally. These moves are not allowed under European Law or the 1951 Convention. The Greek government said it would request an exception to the law from the EU. According to the United Nations some 15,000 people, including families and children, were moving towards the Turkish border with Greece. Riot police used tear gas, batons, shields, and masks to block entry into the country.

Meanwhile, the situation for refugees and migrants is dire . Thousands are stuck along the border, enduring freezing cold temperatures, illness and hunger. While some refugees and migrants were newly arrived in Turkey, others had been in the country for years, trying unsuccessfully to find work, education for their children, and housing. A young boy died after a boat capsized off the Greek island of Lesbos on Monday, March 2. Two Turkish security forces also reported that a Syrian migrant had died from injuries perpetrated by Greek security forces attempting to impede his entry. The Greek government called the allegations "fake news".

The UNHCR released a statement on March 2, calling for "calm and an easing of tensions on Turkey’s borders with the European Union" as well as requesting that authorities avoid any measures that could increase the suffering of vulnerable people. The statement also noted that Greece and other peripheral European countries should not be left alone in the current situation, and that international support to Turkey and neighbouring countries "must be sustained and stepped up." The UNHCR and other agencies are monitoring the situation as well as delivering humanitarian aid such as food and blankets.

*Last updated on March 3 2020, at GMT -5 hours.

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When re-using this resource, please attribute as follows: developed by Susanne Beilmann (The School of Public Policy and Global Affairs ) at the University of British Columbia.

Case Studies

Since late 2015, we have studied the refugee crisis in Europe and the Middle East. In this page, we present three case studies in three different cities in Germany. Refugees are everywhere in Germany, even in smaller towns and villages. The case study cities are at different scales and include Borken (15,000 people), Kassel, a mid-size city (200,000), and Essen, a larger city (600,000) which is part of the still larger Ruhr Area Megacity. In these cities we try to understand the life of refugees from their original escape city and country to their arrival in these new communities. Our research focuses on the social-spatial aspects of refugee experiences, and the impacts on urban morphology and building typology. We also try to understand how refugees manage their new life in partial safety of place, shelter, food and financial support, but also in uncertainty and insecurity until officially accepted as refugees. Beyond crisis, we are looking at how refugees can and will try to integrate into their host countries, cities, and neighborhoods and start a new life. Urban architecture projects for housing and work opportunities that help the process of integration are part of this study. Particularly, we investigate the reality on the ground of the positive Wilkommen Kultur (welcome culture) and the high expectations and implied promises that were set in 2015 by Angela Merkel and German society.

Case study by Professor Hajo Neis, Briana Meier, and Tomoki Furukawazono has been published on the “ Urban Planning ” (ISSN: 2183-7635). https://www.cogitatiopress.com/urbanplanning/article/view/1668

Neis, H., Meier, B., & Furukawazono, T. (2018). Welcome City: Refugees in Three German Cities. Urban Planning , 3(4), 101-115. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v3i4.1668

Population: 582,614 (2015.12.31)

Refugee Population 2015: 4,391 (new) 2016: 4,125 (new) total: approx. 20,000

Refugees in Essen https://www.essen.de/leben/fluechtlinge_1/fluechtlinge_in_essen.de.jsp

case study about refugees

Kassel County

Population: 235,813 (2015.12.31)

Refugee Population total: approx. 1,500

Refugees in Kassel County http://www.landkreiskassel.de/cms09/bildung/fluechtlingshilfeLKKS/Unterbringung/

case study about refugees

Refugee Population total: approx. 200

Refugees in Borken http://www.borken-hessen.de/cms/B%C3%BCrgerinfo/Bekanntmachungen/Kommunales%20Aktuell/Fl%C3%BCchtlingsarbeit%20in%20Borken%20sucht%20und%20braucht%20weitere%20Helfer.cshtml

case study about refugees

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Cultural Competence in Refugee Service Settings: A Scoping Review

Ling san lau.

1 Program on Forced Migration and Health, Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, New York, New York, USA.

Graeme Rodgers

2 International Rescue Committee, New York, New York, USA.

Purpose: Refugees and asylum seekers have unique and complex needs related to their experiences of forced displacement and resettlement. Cultural competence is widely recognized as important for the provision of effective and equitable services for refugee populations. However, the delivery of culturally appropriate services—including health care and social services—is often complicated by unclear definitions and operationalization of cultural competence. Further, the unique needs and priorities of people from refugee backgrounds are under-addressed in the cultural competence literature. This scoping review seeks to synthesize the peer-reviewed literature examining cultural competence in refugee service settings.

Methods: A systematic search of four databases (EBSCO, Proquest, Scopus and Google Scholar) identified 26 relevant peer-reviewed studies for analysis.

Results: A range of approaches to cultural competence were identified at the level of individual providers and organizations.

Conclusion: We identified a need for greater refugee participation and perspectives in the practice of cultural competence, increased conceptual clarity and greater recognition of structural barriers. We call for further rigorous research that critically examines the concept of cultural competence and its meaning and relevance to refugee populations.

Introduction

Refugees and asylum seekers include persons who have fled their countries due to war or persecution. In common with other marginalized populations, they experience challenges accessing services that address their individual and cultural needs. Cultural competence is widely recognized as a critical component of effective and equitable service delivery 1 and has been proposed to reduce health disparities and improve access to services, including health care, social services, employment, and education. 2 Service providers are often the first point of contact for resettled refugees and play a critical role in helping them to adjust to life in a new country. 3 However, cultural competence approaches in refugee service settings continue to be limited by a lack of clear definitions and operational guidance, and insufficient attention to the unique challenges faced by people from refugee backgrounds. 1 , 4–6

There is considerable variation and inconsistency in the definition of cultural competence. 7 , 8 One frequently cited definition describes cultural competence as:

a set of congruent behaviors, attitudes, and policies that come together in a system, agency or among professionals and enables that system, agency or those professionals to work effectively in cross-cultural situations. 9 (p13)

Cultural competence has also been defined in health care settings as:

the ability of systems to provide care to patients with diverse values, beliefs and behaviors, including tailoring delivery to meet patients' social, cultural, and linguistic needs. 10 (p5)

Furthermore, Sue et al. 11 described three attributes of culturally competent service providers—cultural awareness, cultural knowledge, and cultural skills—which have been replicated in several cultural competence models. 8

The notion of cultural competence, as expressed in service settings, has been critiqued in the literature. 1 , 6 Hwang et al., for example, noted that “professionals who want and need to be culturally competent are left with the message that culture matters, but continue to struggle with how to be a more culturally competent practitioner in concrete terms.” 5 Compounding the lack of conceptual clarity and operational guidance, 1 , 6 cultural competence approaches have also been criticized for overemphasizing cultural traits and differences; conflating culture with ethnicity, nationality, or language; and reducing complex human behavior and experience to cultural stereotypes. 1 , 6 Furthermore, the term “competence” is increasingly being rejected, as it implies a technical endpoint or solution, rather than an enduring process and commitment. Alternative concepts have emerged, including cultural safety, which draws attention to power dynamics, institutional discrimination, and issues of colonialism and paternalism in health care. 12 A related construct, cultural humility, requires three commitments from practitioners: (1) self-reflection and critique; (2) action to redress power imbalances; and (3) partnerships with advocates. 13 Ethnographic approaches highlight what is most important to individuals, as culturally situated subjects, without essentializing culture or assuming it is the most critical factor in a given case. 6 , 14

Cultural competence has been studied most extensively in the health field, where interventions have been demonstrated to improve health care providers' knowledge, understanding, and skills when caring for patients from multicultural backgrounds. 15–19 However, the evidence for improved clinical outcomes and health disparities is weak. 8 , 19 A 2015 systematic review found a lack of evidence of impact of cultural competence on outcomes including health status, treatment adherence, equity, and quality of services. 8

While attention to cultural competence has expanded to consider the needs of increasingly diverse populations, 1 there is limited research that specifically examines the cultural competence of services for refugee and asylum seeker populations. We identified no published reviews that synthesize the literature on this subject and recognize refugees as a distinct population with unique needs that may differ from other immigrant populations. 20 Despite their diverse cultural backgrounds and nationalities, refugees and asylum seekers often share common experiences, including trauma, torture, the loss or separation of family members, the hardships of flight, as well as stigma, discrimination, social isolation, financial insecurity, and protracted asylum determination processes. 2 , 21–23 Studies suggest that refugees and asylum seekers may have a greater need than the general population for certain services, including mental health services, yet they access these services at lower rates. 24 , 25 Recognizing the unique backgrounds and needs of refugee populations, this scoping review synthesizes the literature on cultural competence in refugee service settings.

This study did not require institutional review board approval. A scoping review was conducted in May 2020, guided by Arksey and O'Malley's framework. 26 This methodology is appropriate for examining and clarifying broad research questions and synthesizing evidence across disciplines to inform practice. 26 , 27 An iterative search strategy was guided by the research question:

How does the peer-reviewed literature describe cultural competence in relation to services for refugee and asylum seeker populations?

Primary search terms, as summarized in Table 1 , were entered into four databases (EBSCO, ProQuest, Scopus, and Google Scholar), without date limits or restrictions based on geographic setting. The search strategy and review of titles and abstracts yielded 73 original records that were screened further for eligibility. Of these, 55 articles were selected for full-text review; 2 articles were excluded as only abstracts were available. A total of 26 articles met the inclusion criteria ( Table 2 ). Eligible literature included peer-reviewed articles published in English that examined cultural competence as it related to refugee or asylum seeker populations. Gray literature and records that did not explicitly include refugees or asylum seekers were excluded.

Primary Search Terms

“refugee” OR “asylum seeker” OR “asylee”AND
“cultural competence” OR “cultural competency” OR “culturally competent” OR “cross-cultural” OR “culturally appropriate” OR “culturally sensitive”AND

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

CriteriaCriteriaExclusion
LanguageEnglishLanguage other than English
Publication typePeer-reviewed articleAny publication type not mentioned in the inclusion criteria, for example, book chapter, letter, conference abstract
Review
PopulationRefugeesPopulations not mentioned in the inclusion criteria, including U.S. citizens and permanent residents and other documented or undocumented immigrants
Asylees
Asylum seekers
Study typesQualitative researchStudies not mentioned in the inclusion criteria
Quantitative research
Mixed methods research
Review
Case study
Theoretical model
Discussion paper

All articles that met the inclusion criteria were uploaded and analyzed by the primary reviewer using Dedoose Qualitative Software (2018). Information on study characteristics was extracted and tabulated, and key qualitative themes were derived by thematic analysis. A second reviewer independently reviewed a subset of articles to validate emerging themes and study characteristics. Key themes were discussed and agreed upon by both reviewers.

Table 3 summarizes the characteristics of the 26 articles examined, including 13 qualitative studies, 7 discussion papers, 3 mixed methods studies, 2 reviews, and 1 quantitative study. Twenty-one studies considered refugees, 2 examined asylum seekers, and 3 included both groups. Among the 15 primary research studies, 8 considered service providers, 3 considered refugees or asylum seekers and 4 considered both populations. Only five studies addressed refugee perspectives directly. 21 , 22 , 28–30 Four of these also explored provider perspectives, typically in greater numbers than refugee participants; and only one author reported validating the research findings by consulting refugee participants. 22 The 23 articles that specified study setting were based in the United States ( n =14), Australia ( n =4), the Netherlands ( n =2), England ( n =1), Canada ( n =1), and Scotland ( n =1). An additional two reviews 31 , 32 drew from studies conducted across several high-income countries. Of the six articles that specified the country of origin of refugee participants or service recipients, 24 countries were represented, with Iraq ( n =4), Somalia ( n =4), Cambodia ( n =3), the Democratic Republic of the Congo ( n =3), Bhutan ( n =2), Bosnia ( n =2), Burundi ( n =2), Burma ( n =2), and Sudan ( n =2) mentioned most frequently.

Characteristics of Included Studies ( n =26)

Author and publication yearTitlePopulation of interestService settingStudy participants (if applicable)Study approachStudy setting and refugee home countries (where stated)
1. Ballard-Kang, 2017Using culturally appropriate, trauma-informed support to promote bicultural self-efficacy among resettled refugees: a conceptual modelRefugeesRefugee services, including health, education, and social servicesN/ADiscussion paper: presents a conceptual framework for bicultural self-efficacyUSA
2. Burchill and Pevalin, 2014Demonstrating cultural competence within health-visiting practice: working with refugee and asylum-seeking familiesRefugees and asylum seekersHealth care (primary care) =14 service providers (health visitors, registered nurses with public health qualifications)Qualitative: in-depth interviewsLondon, England
3. Campbell and Turpin, 2010Refugee settlement workers' perspectives on home safety issues for people from refugee backgroundsRefugees, newly arrivedResettlement services (home safety visits) =16 service providers (resettlement service workers)Qualitative: semi-structured interviews and observationAustralia
4. Dana, 1998Cultural competence in three human service agenciesRefugees, Native American Indians and Hispanic AmericansSocial servicesN/ADiscussion paperUSA
5. Downs, Bernstein, and Marches, 1997Providing culturally competent primary care for immigrant and refugee women: a Cambodian case studyRefugee and immigrant womenHealth care (primary care) =1 refugeeQualitative: case studyUSA
Home country: Cambodia
6. Dubus and Davis, 2018Culturally effective practice with refugees in Community Health Centers: an exploratory studyRefugeesHealth care (mental health) and social services =15 service providers (refugee behavioral health services providers including social workers, psychologists, psychiatrists and program managers)Qualitative: semi-structured interviewsNortheast USA
Providers served refugees from countries including Bhutan, Bosnia, Burundi, Burma, Cambodia, Congo, Djibouti, Eritrea, Iraq, Nepal, Somalia, and Sudan
7. George, 2012Migration traumatic experiences and refugee distress: implications for social work practiceRefugeesSocial servicesN/ADiscussion paperN/A
8. Grant, Parry, and Guerin, 2013An investigation of culturally competent terminology in healthcare policy finds ambiguity and lack of definition“Culturally marginalized populations,” particularly women and children from refugee backgroundsHealth careN/AQualitative: document analysisAdelaide, South Australia, Australia
9. Griswold, Zayas, Kernan, and Wagner, 2007Cultural awareness through medical student and refugee patient encountersRefugeesHealth care =27 service providers (medical students who interacted with 30 refugee patients)Qualitative: semi-structured interviewsUpstate New York, USA
10. Handtke, Schilgen and Mösko, 2019Culturally competent healthcare—a scoping review of strategies implemented in healthcare organizations and a model of culturally competent healthcare provision“Migrants and culturally and linguistically diverse patients,” including refugees and asylum seekersHealth careN/AScoping reviewMultiple countries, mostly high-income countries: 76% of studies were based in the USA
11. Kaczorowski, Williams, Smith, Fallah, Mendez, and Nelson-Gray, 2011Adapting clinical services to accommodate needs of refugee populationsRefugeesHealth care (mental health)N/ADiscussion paper: presents lessons learned from authors' experience adapting mental health services for refugee populationsUSA
Clinic serves refugees from countries including Iraq, Bhutan, Burundi, Somalia, Morocco, Liberia, Congo, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Mexico
12. MacNamara, Wilhelm, Dy, Andiman, Landau, Poshkus, and Feller, 2014Promoting quality care for recently resettled populations: curriculum development for internal medicine residentsRefugees, recently resettledHealth care (internal medicine) =155 service providers (internal medicine residents) comprising 147 assessments and 8 focus group participantsMixed methods: Qualitative: focus groups, qualitative curriculum evaluation
Quantitative: assessment survey
USA
13. Mollah, Antoniades, Lafeer, and Brijnath, 2018How do mental health practitioners operationalise cultural competency in everyday practice? A qualitative analysisImmigrants, including refugees and asylum seekersHealth care (mental health) =31 service providers (mental health providers with experience working with immigrant patients in the previous 12 months)Qualitative: semi-structured interviewsVictoria, Australia
14. Parajuli and Horey, 2019Barriers to and facilitators of health services utilisation by refugees in resettlement countries: an overview of systematic reviewsRefugeesHealth care (health service utilization)N/ASystematic review: “overview of systematic reviews”High-income countries
15. Phillips, 2009Intercultural Knowledge and Skills in Social Service Work with RefugeesRefugeesSocial services (including social work, economic assistance, and other human services) =28 service providers (social service providers); =10 refugeesQualitative (grounded theory): observation, open-ended interviews and document reviewsUSA (“upper Midwestern city with a large refugee population”)
Refugee home countries: Bosnia and Somalia
16. Pottie and Hostland, 2007Health advocacy for refugees: medical student primer for competence in cultural matters and global healthRefugees, newly arrivedHealth care (primary health care) and community-based health education and advocacy =9 service providers (medical students and primary health care professionals); =1 refugeeQualitative program evaluation: semi-structured interviewsCanada
17. Quickfall, 2014Cultural competence in practice: the example of the community nursing care of asylum applicants in ScotlandRefugees, asylum seekers, and asyleesHealth care (nursing care) =21 service providers (primary care providers) and =39 asylum applicant clients or patientsQualitative (ethnography): observation, individual interviews, focus group interviewsGlasgow, Scotland
18. Rader, Lee, and Ssempijja, 2010Culturally competent mental health services for refugees: the case for a community-based treatment approachRefugeesHealth care (mental health)N/ADiscussion paper: critical reflection of service provision and case study of a successful clinic modelWisconsin, USA
19. Riggs, Davis, Gibbs, Block, Szwarc, CaseyDuell-Piening, and Waters, 2012Accessing maternal and child health services in Melbourne, Australia: reflections from refugee families and service providersRefugeesHealth care (maternal and child health) =18 service providers (MCH nurses, bicultural workers and other health care providers); =87 refugee mothersQualitative: focus groups and interviewsMelbourne, Victoria, Australia
Refugee home countries: Iraq, Burma, Lebanon, South Sudan, and Bhutan
20. Rowe and Paterson, 2010Culturally competent communication with refugeesRefugeesHealth careN/ADiscussion paperNew York, USA
21. Slobodin, Ghane and Jong, 2018Developing a culturally sensitive mental health intervention for asylum seekers in the Netherlands: a pilot studyAsylum seekersHealth care (mental health) =28 asylum seekers, comprising 11 questionnaire respondents; 17 focus group participantsMixed methods:
Qualitative: focus groups
Quantitative: questionnaire
Almere, The Netherlands
22. Stockbridge, Kabani, Gallups, and Miller, 2020Ramadan and culturally competent care: strengthening tuberculosis protections for recently resettled Muslim refugeesRefugees, recently resettledHealth care (primary care and infectious diseases) and public health =148 refugees, reported as 55 Muslim, 93 non-MuslimQuantitativeNorth Texas, USA
23. Suurmond, Seeleman, Rupp, Goosen, and Stronks, 2010Cultural competence among nurse practitioners working with asylum seekersAsylum seekersHealth care (nursing care) =125 service providers (nurse practitioners working with asylum seekers), comprising 89 questionnaire respondents and 36 group interview participantsMixed methods: Qualitative: focus groups
Quantitative: questionnaires
The Netherlands
24. Traver, 2005A chaotic dance of cultural competence: a participatory oral history project with immigrants and refugeesRefugees and immigrantsHealth care (social work)Not specifiedQualitative (participatory action research): focus group interviewsSouthern Maine, USA
Refugee home countries: Somalia, DRC, Afghanistan, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Iran
25. Upvall and Bost, 2007Developing cultural competence in nursing students through their experiences with a refugee populationRefugees, recently resettledHealth care (community health nursing) =5 service providers (community health nursing students)Qualitative: focus groups and portfolio reviewsSouthwestern Pennsylvania, USA
26. Vu, 1994A culturally sensitive case-management model: the experience of Southeast Asian refugees in Washington State, USARefugeesResettlement services/social servicesN/ADiscussion paper: describes a case management model and quantitative evaluationWashington State, USA

The majority of studies (23) focused on health care settings, including health care in general ( n =6), mental health care ( n =5), primary care ( n =4), nursing ( n =3), social work ( n =2), maternal and child health ( n =1), internal medicine ( n =1), and infectious diseases ( n =1). Five studies referred to social service settings, including refugee resettlement services ( n =2), home safety services ( n =1), and other social services ( n =2).

The following section summarizes key findings and themes that emerged from the literature, informing both individual and organizational levels of practice.

Individual-level themes

Self-awareness and respect for cultural diversity.

Self-awareness and respect for cultural diversity were identified in the literature as important components of cultural competence. 2 , 22 , 23 , 33–35 Refugee service providers may demonstrate self-awareness by critically evaluating their own culture, beliefs, biases, and values and how they influence interactions with refugee clients. 33 Self-awareness may also involve assessing one's own culture, race, ethnicity, gender, and class in relation to refugee clients 23 and recognizing power imbalances. 36 Self-awareness can help providers to avoid making assumptions, generalizations, stereotypes, or judgments about other cultures. 2 , 22 One study highlighted the importance of communicating honestly and openly with refugee clients and co-workers about cultural differences, 37 with another 29 arguing that “acceptance of a diverse range of health beliefs, rather than an emphasis on difference, is fundamental to the delivery of culturally competent community nursing care” for refugees. Recognizing one's limitations was another element of self-awareness described in the literature, including seeking guidance from senior colleagues or referring a client to more appropriate or specialized services. 4

Knowledge of refugee cultures, home countries, histories, and experiences

Cultural knowledge, including knowledge of refugees' cultural and religious beliefs and practices, ethnic identities, and languages and dialects, was highlighted in several studies, often by refugee participants. 4 , 4 , 20 , 23 , 33 , 38 , 39 Refugees in an upper Midwestern U.S. state emphasized that it was important for U.S. and local service providers to understand the cultural norms of their community, including gender norms and religious beliefs. 40 Somali and Bosnian refugees in Maine encouraged social service providers to learn about their cultural contexts, home countries, and refugee experiences, and to connect on a human level. 22

Experts and providers demonstrated appreciation of the unique experiences of refugees and asylum seekers, 39 including knowledge of refugee experiences and journeys, 4 , 20 , 23 social, historical, and political contexts in home countries, as well as conflicts and juridical systems. 4 , 23 , 33 For example, nurse practitioners working with asylum seekers in the Netherlands wove their knowledge of different stages of flight into health assessments of asylum seekers: considering that bone fractures may have resulted from torture or that the stress of asylum procedures and living conditions during resettlement may impact mental health. 4 One provider recognized that knowledge of ethnic conflict or tension was imperative to identify appropriate interpreters for refugee clients, beyond a simple language match. 4 Several studies highlighted challenges of learning about clients' cultures and backgrounds, including time pressures and highly diverse client caseloads, with some providers developing strategies to obtain targeted knowledge relevant to the services they delivered. 4 , 20 , 30 , 36 , 39 , 41 Other studies highlighted the complexity and diversity of refugee communities and the importance of testing and contextualizing understandings of cultural knowledge. 2 , 22 , 34

Respectfully engaging refugee clients

Service providers considered respectful engagement of refugee clients critical for advancing cultural competence. 4 , 20 , 30 , 33 , 40 , 41 Listening was identified as especially important, which also required attention to unequal power dynamics in refugee–provider relationships. 22 , 38 Providers were also mindful of refugees' past traumatic or negative experiences and emphasized the importance of building trust and rapport and creating a safe environment. 4 , 30 , 35 , 41 Approaches to facilitating trust included listening to refugee clients' concerns and priorities, ensuring continuity of service provision, exploring and managing clients' expectations of services, and clarifying the roles of providers. 20 Honest discussions about ethical obligations, including the rules and limits of confidentiality, and services and systems in resettlement countries were also suggested as important for cultural competence. 20 For example, nurse practitioners highlighted the value of explaining the health care system and its separation from the immigration system to asylum seeker patients, clarifying that they had no role in organizing entry to the Netherlands and would not share confidential health information with officials assessing immigration matters. 4

Sensitivity to difficult topics, including torture and trauma, was recognized as a crucial aspect of cultural competence with refugees. 4 , 39 For example, nurse practitioners reported prefacing certain questions with a statement, “I am going to ask some questions that may be painful” 4 and recognized that apparently routine questions regarding a person's marital status or children may be distressing for refugees who have lost or been separated from family members. Respectfully challenging unsafe or harmful practices, including gender-based violence and female genital cutting, was identified as an important but difficult skill for refugee service providers. 29 , 34 , 39

Services that recognize the “whole person,” including their spiritual and social needs, were highlighted as important elements of respectful engagement. 21 , 35 , 38 , 42 Refugee participants who received social services in an upper Midwestern city in the United States appealed for service providers to “be human” and to engage with empathy and respect. 22

How about if you are the one who left this beautiful country and went to another country with a new culture, new language, new everything, how would you feel? Emotionally already it's disaster inside. You are adjusting, you want to know the language, you are struggling to get yourself together. Before you do that, if you see some people mistreating you, it interrupts your mind. It's like, ‘whatever I try it's not working.’ 22(p190)

Organization-level themes

Organizational commitment to diversity and cultural competence.

Organizational commitment to cultural competence, particularly at leadership levels, was considered critical for enabling the cultural competence of mental health practitioners in Victoria, Australia. 33 Strategies at the organizational level include improving organizational policies and practices based on employee and client evaluations 33 and demonstrating commitment to staff diversity. The latter may be promoted by hiring bicultural and bilingual staff and ensuring that personnel policies, human resources practices, and staff compensation packages are fair and inclusive. 21–23 , 31 , 33 , 38 , 43 , 44 Flexibility in organizational policies and procedures, lower caseloads, and sufficient staffing can also enable providers to support refugee clients' needs in a more culturally sensitive way. 22 , 41 , 42

Cultural competence training was widely recognized as a method of promoting cultural competence among refugee service providers. 21 , 22 , 29 , 31 , 31 , 33 , 39 , 45 Several cultural competence training programs for medical students, medical residents, social workers, and nursing students working with refugees were described in the literature. 28 , 36 , 45 , 46 These were generally positively evaluated by provider participants; however, only one study sought the perspective of a single refugee participant. 28

Handtke et al. reported a number of organization-wide cultural competence initiatives, 31 including the “Sick-Kids Cultural Competence Initiative” at the Hospital for Sick Children in Canada, which trained more than 2100 hospital staff as cultural competence champions. One positive impact was the increased use of in-person and telephone interpreter services in the hospital.

Engaging and partnering with refugee communities

Partnerships between service organizations and refugee communities can facilitate cultural competence and provide mutual benefits to providers and refugee clients. 20 , 21 , 31 , 33 , 35 , 41 , 43 , 44

Ethnic communities may have the advantage of offering more culturally appropriate support to refugees, but lack knowledge of signs and symptoms of trauma; more formal systems may have greater access to information about mental health, while struggling to offer support that is culturally congruent or appropriate. 35(p30)

Kaczorowski et al. 20 reported that strong partnerships between mental health clinics, schools, and refugee-serving agencies improved the cultural competence of mental health services for refugees, increased trust in and engagement with clinical services, and reduced barriers to treatment. Other mental health providers reported similar positive effects from cultivating relationships with refugee communities. 33

Refugees can foster linkages between communities and service organizations by acting as cultural brokers. 21 , 31 , 34 , 38 In Australia, refugee mentors from Karen/Burmese, Assyrian/Chaldean, and South Sudanese backgrounds worked effectively with refugee families to access early childhood services. 21

Engaging family members and other community members (including community leaders and traditional healers) in service interventions, where appropriate and desired by refugee clients, may also improve cultural competence and acceptance of services. 21 For example, in Chicago, a family-centered mental health intervention for Bosnian refugees with post-traumatic stress disorder engaged family members and bicultural refugee facilitators from the Bosnian community. 23 Other studies have highlighted organizational flexibility and accommodation of the routines and rhythms of everyday life of the participating community. 40 Finally, some sources recommended attention to power dynamics and the need to ensure greater participation of refugees in defining and operationalizing cultural competence; and planning, designing, and evaluating policies, programs, and interventions. 21 , 37 , 43

Integrating clients' language and culture into services

Integrating clients' language and culture into services was a common approach used to strengthen organizational cultural competence. Professional interpreter services were the most frequently cited examples of this. 20–22 , 31 , 33 , 38–42 , 46 There was a consensus that professional interpreter services were preferable to relying on family members, friends, or other staff members, due to issues of privacy, quality, and ethics. However, several barriers to using professional interpreters were identified, including cost and time constraints and limited availability of interpreters, particularly for rare languages. 29 , 39 , 41 Several providers, including medical students, doctors, and social workers, highlighted the critical role of interpreters as cultural guides who improved the quality of interactions with refugee clients through triangulated discussion and constructive feedback. 20 , 40 , 46

Some studies recommended the provision of linguistically and culturally appropriate verbal, written, and visual material across the service continuum, including during scheduling, reception, appointments, referrals, and follow-up; providers believed that this improved engagement with and retention in services. 21 , 31 , 43 Incorporating culturally appropriate terms and concepts into services may also improve organizations' cultural competence. For instance, a culturally sensitive program for Southeast Asian refugees in Long Beach, California, used cultural brokers and integrated Southeast Asian concepts of pregnancy, birth, and health into clinical practice. 38 The use of culturally adapted or cross-cultural assessment tools, such as the Refugee Health Screener-15 (RHS-15) for emotional distress 47 and the Cultural Formulation Interview, 48 may also be helpful.

Addressing barriers to access

Assisting refugee clients to overcome barriers to access was described as important for advancing cultural competence. 20 , 30 Flexible models of service delivery were commonly described in the literature. 21 , 38 , 39 , 41 , 42 , 43 For example, a refugee health nurse modified her appointment times to fit the bus schedule used by many of her refugee patients 21 ; refugee health clinics in the United States and Australia offered flexible drop-in hours with interpreters available 41 , 21 ; and a North Texas clinic reported higher treatment completion rates among Muslim refugee patients after providing after-dusk home delivery of tuberculosis medications during Ramadan. 49 Integrating or colocating services that were commonly used by refugees, such as English lessons, employment assistance, food assistance, or primary care services 21 , 38 , 39 ; providing transportation assistance 38 , 41 , 44 ; offering home visits, school programs, and other community-based services 20 , 42 ; facilitating appointments and referrals 21 ; and using telemedicine and digital technologies 31 were also identified as facilitators. While many providers endeavored to be flexible and responsive to refugees' needs, they discussed the constraints of inflexible policies, procedures, and rules imposed by their organizations.

This scoping review of 26 peer-reviewed articles identified a range of approaches to cultural competence in refugee service settings, generally described at individual and organizational levels. At the individual level, self-awareness and respect for cultural diversity; knowledge of refugee cultures, journeys, and experiences; and respectfully engaging with refugee clients were emphasized. At the organizational level, a commitment to cultural competence and diversity; engaging and partnering with refugee communities; integrating clients' language and culture into services; and addressing barriers to access were highlighted. Humility, flexibility, and a commitment to ongoing learning and development were unifying themes across the literature.

Refugee perspectives, although limited, emphasized the importance of providers who demonstrated respect and empathy and understood the culture and lived experience of refugees.

Several approaches were consistent with the broader cultural competence literature, including using professional interpreters, leveraging bicultural and bilingual staff and cultural brokers, cultural competence training, integrated care models, family-centered or community-based service models, and the integration of culturally specific concepts and cross-cultural assessments into service provision. 5 , 31 Providers also described responding to the unique needs and experiences of refugees, paying particular attention to issues of trust and safety; histories of trauma, torture, or bereavement; political situations and ethnic conflicts in clients' home countries; and health risks and stressors at different stages of the refugee journey. Providers also emphasized the value of exploring and managing refugees' expectations of services, and explaining the roles of providers and national systems in resettlement countries.

It is notable that the literature focused largely on the United States and other high-income countries, and on health care and social service settings. A lack of conceptual clarity, methodological rigor, and comparative study designs meant that it was not possible to draw conclusions about which cultural competence approaches were most effective, or to generalize the findings to other refugee populations or service settings. Indeed, cultural competence is likely to be context-specific, given the heterogeneity of refugee populations and the services they use. As stated by Riggs:

there may not be one ‘model’ of best practice … but a suite of strategies that are flexible and adaptable and are reflective of the clients' cultures, languages, existing social groups and resources of local service providers—both mainstream and culturally- specific. 21(p14)

The cultural competence literature in refugee service settings reflected a lack of meaningful participation of the populations intended to benefit from cultural competence. Refugee voices were conspicuously underrepresented in the studies identified. The literature in this review was primarily informed by the perspectives of experts 50 and health care professionals, including doctors, nurses, psychologists, and social workers. The literature relied heavily on providers' self-reported understanding of their own cultural competence, and subjective perceptions of cultural competence outcomes, with little awareness of how these might be shaped by intersubjective interactions with refugee clients.

Interestingly, few articles included in this review disclosed or discussed the ethnic or cultural identity of providers, suggesting that their cultural values, norms, and practices were assumed, normalized, or perhaps considered less pertinent to the topic of cultural competence. Insufficient attention to the cultures of all parties in a client–provider relationship may hinder our understanding of cultural competence, or support narratives that present “other cultures” (typically nondominant cultures) as problematic. The notion of cultural competence is itself a culturally determined construct that is embedded in historically constituted power relations.

Anthropological approaches referred to by some authors may be broadly instructive for service providers working with refugees. Kleinman and Benson's Explanatory Models Approach and revised cultural formulation (an ethnographic approach describing six steps for culturally informed clinical practice) seek to understand “what really matters” and “what is at stake” for patients, their families, and their communities, and to use this information to guide clinical diagnoses, decision-making, and negotiations with patients. 6 These models require providers to “set their expert knowledge alongside, not over and above the patient's own explanation and viewpoint.” 6 Potocky-Tripodi suggested that social workers seeking to provide more culturally sensitive services to refugees should pose the question, “what would you like me to know so I can help you better?” 51 These approaches advance beyond viewing cultural competence as a set of technical skills to acquire or procedures to deliver, instead placing refugees at the center of the services they receive.

The literature was clear that an enabling organizational environment is key for opening up the institutional space required to achieve the goals of cultural competence. This can be facilitated by championing the values of cultural competence at leadership levels, advancing staff diversity, implementing more flexible policies, procedures and service delivery models, and partnering with refugee communities. While some refugee participants described structural barriers, including stigma, discrimination, racial profiling, and fears of interacting with authorities and government services, 40 recognition of these structural barriers was an important gap in the literature. Until structural inequalities impacting service quality and accessibility for refugees and other marginalized populations are recognized and addressed, the ideals of cultural competence will likely remain elusive.

Limitations

The nonexhaustive search strategy and reliance on peer-reviewed literature published in English is a limitation of this review. The included literature was largely U.S.-focused, and confined to health and social service settings, particularly mental health. Relevant publications, including the gray literature and literature published in other languages, disciplines, or service settings, may not have been located. In addition, as previously noted, the lack of refugee perspectives is a significant limitation of this review.

This scoping review identified a range of individual and organizational approaches to cultural competence in refugee service settings, including strategies responsive to the unique circumstances and needs of refugees. A lack of refugee perspectives and insufficient attention to structural barriers were notable gaps in this literature.

Future research on cultural competence in refugee service settings requires greater attention to what cultural competence means to people with refugee status, how they experience it, and how this is shaped by the social, political, and economic contexts in which they emerge. Otherwise, cultural competence approaches risk reproducing the same cultural hierarchies and structural inequities that they aim to address.

Acknowledgments

We wish to thank Margaret Gibbon, Rebecca Mulqueen, and Tabassum Siraj for their editorial review and constructive feedback.

The contents of this document are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.

Author Disclosure Statement

No competing financial interests exist.

Funding Information

This research was funded through Switchboard, a project implemented by the IRC. The IRC received $1,194,063 through competitive funding through the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Grant # 90RB0052. The project is financed with 100% of Federal funds and 0% by non-governmental sources.

Cite this article as: Lau LS, Rodgers G (2021) Cultural competence in refugee service settings: a scoping review, Health Equity 5:1, 124–134, DOI: 10.1089/heq.2020.0094.

case study about refugees

Repatriation, Insecurity, and Peace

A Case Study of Rwandan Refugees

  • © 2020
  • Masako Yonekawa 0 ,
  • Akiko Sugiki 1

Department of Economics and Informatics, Tsukuba Gakuin University, Tsukuba, Japan

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Faculty of Law, Keio University, Tokyo, Japan

  • Examines how the United Nations’ refugee policies, such as forced repatriation and cessation of refugee status, have impacted refugees, particularly their psychology, which tends to be overlooked
  • Describes the situation of the present Rwandan refugees in various African countries, including the eastern DR Congo, where the majority of them have lived for 20 years with no protection, as well as Zambia and Uganda
  • Discusses both theory and practice, especially from the refugees’ point of view

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Refugee Rights: Essential for Positive Peace

case study about refugees

The Trudeau Government, Refugee Policy, and Echoes of the Past

  • Repatriation
  • Rwandan Refugees
  • Human Rights
  • Cessation of Refugee Status

Table of contents (7 chapters)

Front matter, “voluntary” repatriation of rwandan refugees in uganda: an analysis of law and practice.

  • Frank Ahimbisibwe

Renouncing Nationality to Avoid Repatriation: A Perspective from the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness

  • Hajime Akiyama, Osamu Arakaki

The Legacy of RPF Violence and Why Rwandan Refugees Refuse to Return

Aggravated trauma and insecurity among rwandan hutu refugees.

  • Marcelline Nduwamungu

Refugee Repatriation and Peace Process: Motive and Nature of Repatriation of Rwandan Refugees (1990–2017)

Masako Yonekawa

Where is Rwanda’s Peace?

Correction to: repatriation, insecurity, and peace.

  • Masako Yonekawa, Akiko Sugiki

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Bibliographic information.

Book Title : Repatriation, Insecurity, and Peace

Book Subtitle : A Case Study of Rwandan Refugees

Editors : Masako Yonekawa, Akiko Sugiki

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2850-7

Publisher : Springer Singapore

eBook Packages : Political Science and International Studies , Political Science and International Studies (R0)

Copyright Information : Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020

Hardcover ISBN : 978-981-15-2849-1 Published: 28 July 2020

Softcover ISBN : 978-981-15-2852-1 Published: 29 July 2021

eBook ISBN : 978-981-15-2850-7 Published: 27 July 2020

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XXXII, 115

Number of Illustrations : 5 b/w illustrations, 4 illustrations in colour

Topics : Peace Studies , Conflict Studies , African Politics , Human Rights

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The Syrian conflict: a case study of the challenges and acute need for medical humanitarian operations for women and children internally displaced persons

  • Rahma Aburas 1 ,
  • Amina Najeeb 2 ,
  • Laila Baageel 3 &
  • Tim K. Mackey   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2191-7833 3 , 4 , 5  

BMC Medicine volume  16 , Article number:  65 ( 2018 ) Cite this article

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After 7 years of increasing conflict and violence, the Syrian civil war now constitutes the largest displacement crisis in the world, with more than 6 million people who have been internally displaced. Among this already-vulnerable population group, women and children face significant challenges associated with lack of adequate access to maternal and child health (MCH) services, threatening their lives along with their immediate and long-term health outcomes.

While several health and humanitarian aid organizations are working to improve the health and welfare of internally displaced Syrian women and children, there is an immediate need for local medical humanitarian interventions. Responding to this need, we describe the case study of the Brotherhood Medical Center (the “Center”), a local clinic that was initially established by private donors and later partnered with the Syrian Expatriate Medical Association to provide free MCH services to internally displaced Syrian women and children in the small Syrian border town of Atimah.

Conclusions

The Center provides a unique contribution to the Syrian health and humanitarian crisis by focusing on providing MCH services to a targeted vulnerable population locally and through an established clinic. Hence, the Center complements efforts by larger international, regional, and local organizations that also are attempting to alleviate the suffering of Syrians victimized by this ongoing civil war. However, the long-term success of organizations like the Center relies on many factors including strategic partnership building, adjusting to logistical difficulties, and seeking sustainable sources of funding. Importantly, the lessons learned by the Center should serve as important principles in the design of future medical humanitarian interventions working directly in conflict zones, and should emphasize the need for better international cooperation and coordination to support local initiatives that serve victims where and when they need it the most.

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The Syrian civil war is the epitome of a health and humanitarian crisis, as highlighted by recent chemical attacks in a Damascus suburb, impacting millions of people across Syria and leading to a mass migration of refugees seeking to escape this protracted and devastating conflict. After 7 long years of war, more than 6 million people are internally displaced within Syria — the largest displacement crisis in the world — and more than 5 million registered Syrian refugees have been relocated to neighboring countries [ 1 , 2 ]. In total, this equates to an estimated six in ten Syrians who are now displaced from their homes [ 3 ].

Syrian internally displaced persons (IDPs) are individuals who continue to reside in a fractured Syrian state now comprising a patchwork of government- and opposition-held areas suffering from a breakdown in governance [ 4 ]. As the Syrian conflict continues, the number of IDPs and Syrian refugees continues to grow according to data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This growth is continuing despite some borders surrounding Syria being closed and in part due to a rising birth rate in refugee camps [ 5 , 6 ]. This creates acute challenges for neighboring/receiving countries in terms of ensuring adequate capacity to offer essential services such as food, water, housing, security, and specifically healthcare [ 4 , 7 , 8 ].

Though Syrian refugees and IDPs face similar difficulties in relation to healthcare access in a time of conflict and displacement, their specific challenges and health needs are distinctly different, as IDPs lack the same rights guaranteed under international law as refugees, and refugees have variations in access depending on their circumstances. Specifically, there are gaps in access to medical care and medicines for both the internally displaced and refugees, whether it be in Syria, in transit countries (including services for refugees living in camps versus those living near urban cities), or in eventual resettlement countries. In particular, treatment of chronic diseases and accessing of hospital care can be difficult, exacerbated by Syrian families depleting their savings, increased levels of debt, and a rise in those living in poverty (e.g., more than 50% of registered Syrian refugees in Jordan are burdened with debt) [ 9 ].

Despite ongoing actions of international humanitarian organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to alleviate these conditions, healthcare access and coverage for displaced Syrians and refugees is getting worse as the conflict continues [ 4 , 10 ]. Although Syria operated a strong public health system and was experiencing improved population health outcomes pre-crisis, the ongoing conflict, violence, and political destabilization have led to its collapse [ 11 , 12 , 13 ]. Specifically, campaigns of violence against healthcare infrastructure and workers have led to the dismantling of the Syrian public health system, particularly in opposition-held areas, where access to even basic preventive services has been severely compromised [ 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ].

Collectively, these dire conditions leave millions of already-vulnerable Syrians without access to essential healthcare services, a fundamental human right and one purportedly guaranteed to all Syrian citizens under its constitution [ 4 ]. Importantly, at the nexus of this health and humanitarian crisis are the most vulnerable: internally displaced Syrian women and children. Hence, this opinion piece first describes the unique challenges and needs faced by this vulnerable population and then describes the case study of the Brotherhood Medical Center (the “Center”), an organization established to provide free and accessible maternal and child health (MCH) services for Syrian IDPs, and how it represents lessons regarding the successes and ongoing challenges of a local medical humanitarian intervention.

Syria: a health crisis of the vulnerable

Critically, women and children represent the majority of all Syrian IDPs and refugees, which directly impacts their need for essential MCH services [ 18 ]. Refugee and internally displaced women and children face similar health challenges in conflict situations, as they are often more vulnerable than other patient populations, with pregnant women and children at particularly high risk for poor health outcomes that can have significant short-term, long-term, and inter-generational health consequences [ 10 ]. Shared challenges include a lack of access to healthcare and MCH services, inadequate vaccination coverage, risk of malnutrition and starvation, increased burden of mental health issues due to exposure to trauma, and other forms of exploitation and violence such as early marriage, abuse, discrimination, and gender-based violence [ 4 , 10 , 19 , 20 ]. Further, scarce medical resources are often focused on patients suffering from acute and severe injury and trauma, leading to de-prioritization of other critical services like MCH [ 4 ].

Risks for women

A 2016 United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) report estimated that 360,000 Syrian IDPs are pregnant, yet many do not receive any antenatal or postnatal care [ 21 , 22 ]. According to estimates by the UNFPA in 2015, without adequate international funding, 70,000 pregnant Syrian women faced the risk of giving birth in unsafe conditions if access to maternal health services was not improved [ 23 ]. For example, many women cannot access a safe place with an expert attendant for delivery and also may lack access to emergency obstetric care, family planning services, and birth control [ 4 , 19 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 ]. By contrast, during pre-conflict periods, Syrian women enjoyed access to standard antenatal care, and 96% of deliveries (whether at home or in hospitals) were assisted by a skilled birth attendant [ 13 ]. This coverage equated to improving population health outcomes, including data from the Syrian Ministry of Health reporting significant gains in life expectancy at birth (from 56 to 73.1 years), reductions in infant mortality (decrease from 132 per 1000 to 17.9 per 1000 live births), reductions in under-five mortality (from 164 to 21.4 per 1000 live births), and declines in maternal mortality (from 482 to 52 per 100,000 live births) between 1970 and 2009, respectively [ 13 ].

Post-conflict, Syrian women now have higher rates of poor pregnancy outcomes, including increased fetal mortality, low birth weights, premature labor, antenatal complications, and an increase in puerperal infections, as compared to pre-conflict periods [ 10 , 13 , 25 , 26 ]. In general, standards for antenatal care are not being met [ 29 ]. Syrian IDPs therefore experience further childbirth complications such as hemorrhage and delivery/abortion complications and low utilization of family planning services [ 25 , 28 ]. Another example of potential maternal risk is an alarming increase in births by caesarean section near armed conflict zones, as women elect for scheduled caesareans to avoid rushing to the hospital during unpredictable and often dangerous circumstances [ 10 ]. There is similar evidence from Syrian refugees in Lebanon, where rates of caesarean sections were 35% (of 6366 deliveries assessed) compared to approximately 15% as previously recorded in Syria and Lebanon [ 30 ].

Risks for children

Similar to the risks experienced by Syrian women, children are as vulnerable or potentially at higher risk during conflict and health and humanitarian crises. According to the UNHCR, there are 2.8 million children displaced in Syria out of a total of 6.5 million persons, and just under half (48%) of Syrian registered refugees are under 18 years old [ 1 ]. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) further estimates that 6 million children still living in Syria are in need of humanitarian assistance and 420,000 children in besieged areas lack access to vital humanitarian aid [ 31 ].

For most Syrian internally displaced and refugee children, the consequences of facing lack of access to essential healthcare combined with the risk of malnutrition (including cases of severe malnutrition and death among children in besieged areas) represent a life-threatening challenge (though some studies have positively found low levels of global acute malnutrition in Syrian children refugee populations) [ 24 , 32 , 33 , 34 ]. Additionally, UNICEF reports that pre-crisis 90% of Syrian children received routine vaccination, with this coverage now experiencing a dramatic decline to approximately 60% (though estimating vaccine coverage in Syrian IDP and refugee populations can be extremely difficult) [ 35 ]. A consequence of lack of adequate vaccine coverage is the rise of deadly preventable infectious diseases such as meningitis, measles, and even polio, which was eradicated in Syria in 1995, but has recently re-emerged [ 36 , 37 , 38 ]. Syrian refugee children are also showing symptoms of psychological trauma as a result of witnessing the war [ 4 , 39 ].

A local response: the Brotherhood Medical Center

In direct response to the acute needs faced by Syrian internally displaced women and children, we describe the establishment, services provided, and challenges faced by the Brotherhood Medical Center (recently renamed the Brotherhood Women and Children Specialist Center and hereinafter referred to as the “Center”), which opened its doors to patients in September 2014. The Center was the brainchild of a group of Syrian and Saudi physicians and donors who had the aim of building a medical facility to address the acute need for medical humanitarian assistance in the village of Atimah (Idlib Governorate, Syria), which is also home to a Syrian displacement camp.

Atimah (Idlib Governorate, Syria) is located on the Syrian side of the Syrian-Turkish border. Its population consisted of 250,000 people pre-conflict in an area of approximately 65 km 2 . Atimah and its adjacent areas are currently generally safe from the conflict, with both Atimah and the entire Idlib Governorate outside the control of the Syrian government and instead governed by the local government. However, continued displacement of Syrians seeking to flee the conflict has led to a continuous flow of Syrian families into the area, with the population of the town growing to approximately a million people.

In addition to the Center, there are multiple healthcare centers and field hospitals serving Atimah and surrounding areas that cover most medical specialties. These facilities are largely run by local and international health agencies including Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), Medical Relief for Syria, and Hand in Hand for Syria, among others. Despite the presence of these organizations, the health needs of IDPs exceeds the current availability of healthcare services, especially for MCH services, as the majority of the IDPs belong to this patient group. This acute need formed the basis for the project plan establishing the Center to serve the unique needs of Syrian internally displaced women and children.

Operation of the Center

The Center’s construction and furnishing took approximately 1 year after land was purchased for its facility, a fact underlining the urgency of building a permanent local physical infrastructure to meet healthcare needs during the midst of a conflict. Funds to support its construction originated from individual donors, Saudi business men, and a group of physicians. In this sense, the Center represents an externally funded humanitarian delivery model focused on serving a local population, with no official government, NGO, or international organization support for its initial establishment.

The facility’s primary focus is to serve Syrian women and children, but since its inception in 2014, the facility has grown to cater for an increasing number of IDPs and their diverse needs. When it opened, facility services were limited to offering only essential outpatient, gynecology, and obstetrics services, as well as operating a pediatric clinic. The staffing at the launch consisted of only three doctors, a midwife, a nurse, an administrative aid, and a housekeeper, but there now exist more than eight times this initial staff count. The staff operating the Center are all Syrians; some of them are from Atimah, but many also come from other places in Syria. The Center’s staff are qualified to a large extent, but still need further training and continuing medical education to most effectively provide services.

Though staffing and service provision has increased, the Center’s primary focus is on its unique contribution to internally displaced women and children. Expanded services includes a dental clinic 1 day per week, which is run by a dentist with the Health Affairs in Idlib Governorate, and has been delegated to cover the dental needs for the hospital patients . Importantly, the Center facility has no specific policy on patient eligibility, its desired patient catchment population/area, or patient admission, instead opting to accept all women and children patients, whether seeking routine or urgent medical care, and providing its services free of charge.

Instead of relying on patient-generated fees (which may be economically prohibitive given the high levels of debt experienced by IDPs) or government funding, the Center relies on its existing donor base for financing the salaries for its physicians and other staff as well as the facility operating costs. More than an estimated 300 patients per day have sought medical attention since its first day of operation, with the number of patients steadily increasing as the clinic has scaled up its services.

Initially the Center started with outpatient (OPD) cases only, and after its partnership with the Syrian Expatriate Medical Association (SEMA) (discussed below), inpatient care for both women and children began to be offered. Patients’ statistics for September 2017 reported 3993 OPD and emergency room visits and 315 inpatient admissions including 159 normal deliveries and 72 caesarean sections, 9 neonatal intensive care unit cases, and 75 admissions for other healthcare services. To better communicate the clinic’s efforts, the Center also operates a Facebook page highlighting its activities (in Arabic at https://www.facebook.com/مشفى-الإخاء-التخصصي-129966417490365/ ).

Challenges faced by the Center and its evolution

The first phase of the Center involved its launch and initial operation in 2014 supported by a small group of donors who self-funded the startup costs needed to operationalize the Center facility’s core clinical services. Less than 2 years later, the Center faced a growing demand for its services, a direct product of both its success in serving its targeted community and the protracted nature of the Syrian conflict. In other words, the Center facility has continuously needed to grow in the scope of its service delivery as increasing numbers of families, women, and children rely on the Center as their primary healthcare facility and access point.

Meeting this increasing need has been difficult given pragmatic operational challenges emblematic of conflict-driven zones, including difficulties in securing qualified and trained medical professionals for clinical services, financing problems involving securing funding due to the shutdown of banking and money transferring services to and from Syria, and macro political factors (such as the poor bilateral relationship between Syria and its neighboring countries) that adversely affect the clinic’s ability to procure medical and humanitarian support and supplies [ 40 ]. Specifically, the Center as a local healthcare facility originally had sufficient manpower and funding provided by its initial funders for its core operations and construction in its first year of operation. However, maintaining this support became difficult with the closure of the Syrian-Turkish border and obstacles in receiving remittances, necessitating the need for broader strategic partnership with a larger organization.

Collectively, these challenges required the management committee and leadership of the Center to shift its focus to securing long-term sustainability and scale-up of services by seeking out external forms of cooperation and support. Borne from this need was a strategic partnership with SEMA, designed to carry forward the next phase of the Center’s operation and development. SEMA, established in 2011, is a non-profit relief organization that works to provide and improve medical services in Syria without discrimination regarding gender, ethnic, or political affiliation — a mission that aligns with the institutional goals of the Center. Selection of SEMA as a partner was based on its activity in the region; SEMA plays an active role in healthcare provision in Idlib and surrounding areas. Some other organizations were also approached at the same time of this organization change, with SEMA being the most responsive.

Since the Center-SEMA partnership was consummated, the Center has received critical support in increasing its personnel capacity and access to medicines, supplies, and equipment, resulting in a gradual scale-up and improvement in its clinical services. This now includes expanded pediatric services and the dental clinic (as previously mentioned and important, as oral health is a concern for many Syrian parents and children). The Center also now offers caesarean deliveries [ 41 ]. However, the Center, similar to other medical humanitarian operations in the region, continues to face many financial and operational challenges, including shortage of medical supplies, lack of qualified medical personnel, and needs for staff development.

Challenges experienced by the Center and other humanitarian operations continue to be exacerbated by the ongoing threat of violence and instability emanating from the conflict that is often targeted at local organizations and international NGOs providing health aid. For example, MSF has previously been forced to suspend its operations in other parts of Syria, has evacuated its facilities after staff have been abducted and its facilities bombed, and it has also been subject to threats from terrorist groups like the Islamic State (IS) [ 42 ].

The case study of the Center, which evolved from a rudimentary medical tent originally located directly in the Atimah displacement camp to the establishment of a local medical facility now serving thousands of Syrian IDPs, is just one example of several approaches aimed at alleviating the suffering of Syrian women and children who have been disproportionately victimized by this devastating health and humanitarian crisis. Importantly, the Center represents the maturation of a privately funded local operation designed to meet an acute community need for MCH services, but one that has necessitated continuous change and evolution as the Syrian conflict continues and conditions worsen. Despite certain successes, a number of challenges remain that limit the potential of the Center and other health humanitarian operations to fully serve the needs of Syrian IDPs, all of which should serve as cautionary principles for future local medical interventions in conflict situations.

A primary challenge is the myriad of logistical difficulties faced by local medical humanitarian organizations operating in conflict zones. Specifically, the Center continues to experience barriers in securing a reliable and consistent supply of medical equipment and materials needed to ensure continued operation of its clinical services, such as its blood bank, laboratory services, operating rooms, and intensive care units. Another challenge is securing the necessary funding to make improvements to physical infrastructure and hire additional staff to increase clinical capacity. Hence, though local initiatives like the Center may have initial success getting off the ground, scale-up and ensuring sustainability of services to meet the increasing needs of patients who remain in a perilous conflict-driven environment with few alternative means of access remain extremely challenging.

Despite these challenges, it is clear that different types of medical humanitarian interventions deployed in the midst of health crises have their own unique roles and contributions. This includes a broad scope of activities now focused on improving health outcomes for Syrian women and children that are being delivered by international aid agencies located outside of the country, international or local NGOs, multilateral health and development agencies, and forms of bilateral humanitarian assistance. The Center contributes to this health and humanitarian ecosystem by providing an intervention focused on the needs of Syrian women and children IDPs where they need it most, close to home.

However, the success of the Center and other initiatives working to end the suffering of Syrians ultimately relies on macro organizational and political issues outside Atimah’s border. This includes better coordination and cooperation of aid and humanitarian stakeholders and increased pressure from the international community to finally put an end to a civil war that has no winners — only victims — many of whom are unfortunately women and children.

Abbreviations

the Brotherhood Women and Children Specialist Center

Internally displaced persons

Maternal and child health

Medecins Sans Frontieres

Non-governmental organizations

Outpatient department

Syrian Expatriate Medical Association

United Nations Population Fund

the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

The United Nations Children’s Fund

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Rahma Aburas

Brotherhood Medical Center for Women and Children, Atimah, Syria

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Aburas, R., Najeeb, A., Baageel, L. et al. The Syrian conflict: a case study of the challenges and acute need for medical humanitarian operations for women and children internally displaced persons. BMC Med 16 , 65 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12916-018-1041-7

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Refugees in Australia are miles behind in health and wellbeing outcomes. Here’s why

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Health outcomes for refugees and people with humanitarian visas are far worse than the general Australian population. They are more likely to self-report long-term conditions, including diabetes (80% higher), kidney disease (80%), stroke (40%) and dementia (30%).

Among hospitalisations for refugees and humanitarian migrants, one in 14 are for potentially preventable conditions. New data shows that when it comes to COVID, they are five times more likely than permanent migrants to be hospitalised.

And those who’ve been held for long periods in immigration detention shoulder significant health-care costs – an estimated 50% higher than other asylum seekers .

Why is the health of refugees and humanitarian entrants so much worse than the rest of the country? And what can we do about it?

Higher risk of physical and mental health issues

Health is a fundamental human right . But refugees and humanitarian entrants in Australia face multiple challenges that limit their ability to fully enjoy this right.

Compared with the rest of the population, people in Australia who hold humanitarian visas are at a higher risk of physical and mental health issues . Factors contributing to this are complex, interrelated and interconnected.

People fleeing persecution are more likely to have experienced significant human rights violations, torture and trauma, which impacts their mental health and wellbeing.

While in exile, they are also likely to have experienced precarious living conditions with limited access to water, sanitation and hygiene, as well as food insecurity and limited access to basic health care.

These can lead to significant health issues. The most common include:

  • mental illnesses
  • nutritional deficiencies
  • infectious diseases
  • under-immunisation
  • poor oral and eye health
  • poorly managed chronic diseases
  • delayed growth and development in children.

These conditions may require immediate care or long-term management – or both.

One study measured the burden of mental health diseases – such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) – on refugees and humanitarian migrants in Australia over five years. It found more than 34% had either PTSD or elevated psychological distress.

Persistent mental illness was associated with loneliness, discrimination, insecure housing, financial hardship and chronic health conditions.

3 gaps for refugees

People from refugee backgrounds have unique health and cultural beliefs, practices, and needs that are often not well understood by health-care providers. These unique needs can affect the quality of care they receive.

1. Language barriers

Most refugees and humanitarian entrants have limited English proficiency and some have limited written literacy in their own languages.

This can make navigating health-care settings a challenge. Difficulties understanding diagnoses, treatment options, and the need for follow-up can especially complicate chronic health issues such as diabetes and high blood pressure, which need ongoing monitoring and treatment.

While the government funds translating and interpreting services, research shows they are often underused and inefficient . Accessing interpreting for smaller or emerging groups can also be more challenging, as services tend to cater to established language groups.

Language barriers can also limit job opportunities and lead to financial pressure, with a ripple effect in overall health and wellbeing.

2. Health literacy

Health literacy is the ability to access, understand and use health information to make more informed decisions about our health. It is linked to improved self-reported health status, lower health-care costs, increased health knowledge, and reduced hospitalisation.

Some refugees and humanitarian entrants have limited health literacy, associated with poor health outcomes .

A study we undertook during the early stages of the pandemic with Arabic, Karen, Dari and Dinka-speaking refugees showed participants with lower health literacy were less willing to receive COVID vaccines. Their scepticism about the vaccine and the virus was further affirmed by conspiracy theories and misinformation online.

3. Continuity of care

Patients from refugee backgrounds can fall through the cracks when services are not well coordinated or can’t be followed up.

For example, Australia’s National Immunisation Program schedule for children is very comprehensive compared with other countries. But many childhood vaccinations require multiple doses over time . When the need for follow-up appointments is not communicated properly – or recall systems aren’t culturally appropriate – they may be missed.

A child's upper arm with two circular bandaids.

Looking to the future

Improving health and wellbeing for refugees and humanitarian entrants is complex. We need strong foreign policy that promotes stability and basic services overseas, as well as humanitarian aid for crises.

In Australia, non-medical factors also influence health outcomes . They include housing, secure employment, working conditions, social inclusion, safety from discrimination and general literacy, as well as health literacy.

We need to recognise and draw on the protective factors that are strongly linked to the health and wellbeing of people from refugee backgrounds. These include things such as social connectedness, resilience, a sense of belonging and identity, and adapting to a new culture.

We need further research into what helps and hinders refugee health and wellbeing. It must involve people of refugee backgrounds, community organisations and academic institutions.

Our health-care services need to be responsive, sensitive and inclusive. This is imperative in meeting the unique cultural and social needs of people of refugee backgrounds.

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PhD researcher draws on refugee experience to study plight of asylum-seekers in Canada

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Jona Zyfi, a doctoral candidate at the Centre for Criminology & Sociolegal Studies, is using a human rights lens to explore the links between technology and migration (supplied image)

Published: August 14, 2024

By Cynthia Macdonald

Jona Zyfi ’s life has so far been an “adventurous story” full of fear, hope, resilience and relief.

At age seven, Zyfi was smuggled into Australia under a false name as a child refugee claimant. At 16, after a forced return to her native Albania, she emigrated to Canada carrying only a suitcase and teddy bear.

Now a PhD candidate at the University of Toronto’s Centre for Criminology & Sociolegal Studies, Zyfi is examining how public policy shapes the plight of asylum seekers and migrants in Canada. Her work is shedding valuable light on some of the little-known – and sometimes shocking – injustices faced by refugee claimants in a country widely thought to be among the most welcoming and multicultural in the world.

“The work that I do is very much informed by my lived experiences,” she says. “It’s where I find the strength to do it.”

Why is Zyfi examining the refugee experience through the lens of criminology and not political science?

“Lots of people have asked me that,” she says. “Even I had moments when I’d wonder, ‘Am I in the right department?’ But the deeper I go into my research, the more confirmation I get that I am doing the right thing.”

This is due to the phenomenon of “crimmigration,”  a term that’s used to describe how refugee claimants are often subjected to processes normally associated with the criminal justice system.

“Immigration is an administrative field, while the criminal justice system is a lot more heavy-handed,” Zyfi explains. “And yet, we’re using criminal justice mechanisms to deal with what should be an administrative process. That doesn’t make sense.”

In some ways, she says, Canada’s approach to refugees is a good news story.

In the last decade, for example, the country has welcomed more than 40,000 Syrian refugees, and has been in the vanguard of acceptance for those fleeing persecution on the basis of gender identity and sexual orientation.

But there is darker side, too. Many Canadians are unaware that children can be held in detention with or without their parents and that adult asylum seekers who can’t be accommodated in holding centres have been detained in provincial jails alongside those serving criminal sentences.

Canada is also one of the few countries in the Global North where there is no legal limit on detention, meaning that claimants can spend years in jails or holding centres before their cases are heard.

“They rarely get access to legal aid and many of them can’t speak the language,” Zyfi says. “So they don’t even understand what’s happening. They’re unaware of their rights and terrified of being deported.”

Zyfi says she is particularly interested in the role technology plays in immigration and asylum processes and application assessment procedures. In an effort to reduce dependence on migrant detention, some asylum seekers are now granted temporary freedom but monitored in ways that are highly controversial.

These methods include the use of electronic ankle monitors as well as voice reporting via cellphone – both of which can fail if batteries or cell reception run out. Facial recognition software is also gaining in popularity.

But even a small technical mistake, Zyfi argues, can place a claimant’s life in danger. “There’s this idea that technology is going to solve all our problems,” says Zyfi. “It’s going to make faster decisions, better decisions. The decisions are faster, but that doesn’t always mean that they are better.”

Zyfi’s concern about the rights of asylum seekers is born from her own experiences.

Born shortly after the fall of communism in Albania, her early life was spent amid the anarchy and civil insurrection that followed the collapse of the country’s economy. “We had to hide under the tables, because bullets could fly through at any minute,” she recalls. “One flew through our balcony window. The arms depots were open; anybody could get bullets, a grocery bag full of grenades, whatever they could find. It was a free-for-all.”

Using a false name, Zyfi made her way to Australia with her mother and sister via a human smuggling network. But the family was expelled from Australia in 2005 when Albania was deemed to be a safe country of origin. “I remember my mother packing up our entire life in a shipping container,” she says.

Four years later, Zyfi came to Canada and two years ago, after a lengthy series of applications and various immigration statuses, she was finally granted citizenship.

Now, she is firmly committed to making life better for other migrants and refugees, including by giving them a bigger say in decisions that affect them. In policymaking, “our stories are not being incorporated in a meaningful way,” she says. “To me, that is the saddest part.”

The groundswell of private support for Syrian refugees – Zyfi herself was an enthusiastic sponsor – shows that caring for survivors of global crisis is a Canadian value. But she says that civil society alone cannot provide the support needed, and the government can do more – not only for immigrants deemed to be economically desirable, but for those whose lives are in jeopardy.

“Historically, immigration has been key to the Canadian economy. It has also been a fundamental tenet of nation-building and multiculturalism,” Zyfi says. “But we are doing the bare minimum. We have the capacity to do so much more.”

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Syrian Refugees as Leaders: An Innovative Model for Cross-Cultural Exchange and Education

This collaboration between UCL and the University of Lincoln will pilot an innovative cross-cultural exchange educational model

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22 February 2021

Grant:   Grand Challenges Doctoral Students' Small Grants Year awarded:  2021-22 Amount awarded:  £2,500

Project Team

  • ​​​​​ Natalie Garland, Institute for Global Prosperity
  • Charlotte Cartledge, Psychology (University of Lincoln)

This project trained Syrian refugee youth enrolled in Multi-Aid Program's (MAPs) Higher Education Platform to design and lead seminar workshops for UK secondary school students. MAPs, a refugee-led community-based humanitarian organization in Lebanon, was a partner in this participatory project that takes a co-design approach. The key action-oriented objectives related to community engagement beyond the academy included:

  • changing attitudes on global challenges and harmful stereotypes around refugee capabilities through cross-cultural communication and dialogue
  • strengthening refugee leadership and critical thinking capacity
  • enhancing engagement on global challenges and collective solutions for all students

The activities were designed to contribute new knowledge around innovative forms of connected learning practices and the influence this can have on both students and the leaders from marginalised backgrounds. 

The project was designed to impact the lives of students in both Lebanon and the UK. The outcomes included: 

  • Introducing students at schools in Lincolnshire to global challenges and perspectives, new ideas, concepts and cultures 
  • Enhancing leadership and critical thinking skills for refugee leaders 
  • An innovative cross-cultural exchange educational curriculum is piloted to inform future scaleable models for Connected and Social-Networking Based Learning.

The group co-created a short documentary Through the Lens of Dignity.  Through the Lens of Dignity (22 mins) is an educational documentary exploring the experiences of three Syrian women living as refugees in Bekaa, Lebanon. We follow Reem, Eman and Bayan as they fight for their dignity in displacement. The film takes a community-based and participatory approach to capture unheard narratives crafted on the terms of refugees themselves.

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  • The co-creation of a short documentary (22 mins), titled Through the Lens of Dignity.
  • A pilot workshop facilitated at Lincoln University (including film screening + discussion and pre and post questionnaire with participants)
  • Ongoing data analysis and paper write up 

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Study explores immigrant challenges and hopes

by Neph Rivera, University of Texas at Arlington

refugee

Some refer to the United States as a land of opportunity for those looking to better their lives. A research team headed by a University of Texas at Arlington social worker recently asked a group of immigrants if they agreed.

Led by Saltanat Childress, assistant professor in the School of Social Work, the researchers interviewed 24 Arab-speaking Middle Eastern North African refugees in the United States about their experiences immigrating to the country.

"Our research was driven by the expressed needs and concerns of the community and service providers. There was a strong anecdotal and community-based recognition of the challenges faced by immigrants, particularly around family conflicts and adaptation processes," Dr. Childress said.

The team's findings were published in Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services .

During the conversations, two main topics became clear: the challenges these immigrants face daily and the opportunities and hopes they have for a better future here in the U.S.

Their main challenges include the language barrier they face upon entering the country, intimate partner violence and the addressing of stress or mental health problems , with some respondents downplaying the latter as a critical issue.

"Key issues on the instrumental side include language barriers, legal status , affordable housing , employment, transportation, and access to health care and childcare," Childress said. "On the ideological side, cultural adaptation challenges, particularly around gender roles and family dynamics and stigma of mental health issues, add another layer of difficulty to the refugee experience."

Childress says the community, including local organizations, can help support these immigrants early in their journeys in their new homeland.

"One key recommendation is to provide more robust language support for early adaptation stages, and it's possible that all the new automated translation tools can help in this regard," she said. "Additionally, improving access to affordable housing and employment opportunities is crucial."

When it comes to opportunities and hopes, the research team found that common responses included the quality of U.S. governance, support from fellow immigrants and the quality of education for their children.

"The U.S. is seen by many immigrants and refugees as a desirable destination due to its economic opportunities , political and religious freedoms, and the presence of pre-existing communities that provide support," Childress said. "These factors make the U.S. an attractive option for those seeking a better life for themselves and their children."

In the end, Childress says, it will take a team effort to help immigrants succeed in the face of the difficult issues that brought them to the U.S. in search of a fresh start.

"The key message is that refugee populations are full of wonderful, hard-working families that are silently struggling with significant challenges, and it is crucial for the profession, services, and mainstream population to be more aware, informed, and resourced to help them cope with these challenges effectively," Childress concluded.

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IMAGES

  1. (PDF) The Failure of Providing Human Security For Rohingya Refugees

    case study about refugees

  2. Key facts about refugees to the U.S.

    case study about refugees

  3. Refugees major essay

    case study about refugees

  4. Elderly Mozambican Women Refugees in the Tongogara Refugee Camp in

    case study about refugees

  5. (PDF) Acculturation, Economics and Food Insecurity among Refugees

    case study about refugees

  6. (PDF) The Use of Planning and Building Laws and Regulation in

    case study about refugees

COMMENTS

  1. The 2015 European Refugee Crisis

    2329 West Mall. Vancouver, BC Canada V6T 1Z4. Tel 604 822 2211. In 2015, a record 1,005,504 asylum seekers and migrants reached Europe in search of security and a better future. That same year, almost 4,000 people went missing in the trajectory to Europe, with many presumed to have drowned in the Mediterranean.

  2. 13 Powerful Refugee Stories From Around The World

    Achan. Achan fled her home in Pajok, South Sudan and is currently living in a refugee camp in Lamwo District, Uganda. Her story was shared with us by Hope Ofiriha, a Norwegian NGO that assists South Sudanese refugees with medical care, microfinance, and education. She is 75 years old. Achan is a widow who had eight children.

  3. Case Studies

    The case study cities are at different scales and include Borken (15,000 people), Kassel, a mid-size city (200,000), and Essen, a larger city (600,000) which is part of the still larger Ruhr Area Megacity. In these cities we try to understand the life of refugees from their original escape city and country to their arrival in these new communities.

  4. Refugees, forced migration, and conflict: Introduction to the special

    Alix-Garcia Jennifer, Walker Sarah, Bartlett Anne, Onder Harun, Sanghi Apurva (2018) Do refugee camps help or hurt hosts? The case of Kakuma, Kenya. Journal of Development ... Whither will they go? A global study of refugees' destinations, 1965-1995. International Studies Quarterly 51(4): 811-834. Crossref. Web of Science. Google Scholar ...

  5. 3 real stories from refugees

    Many refugees experience unbelievable hardship as they are forced to flee their homes, often leaving family members behind, and go in search of a better life. Here are real stories from just three of the 19.5 million. Doaa, Syrian refugee living in Greece. Doaa is a 19-year-old aspiring student who was forced by the war to live a grinding ...

  6. Economic and Social Impact of Massive Refugee Populations on Host

    The case studies also point to certain factors which must be taken into account for future attempts at evaluating the impact of large refugee populations on hosting countries: (a) Costs . Properly assessing the economic and social impact of refugees in developing countries is a costly affair.

  7. Addressing refugee health through evidence-based policies: a case study

    6. Health services for refugees and asylum seekers must be evidence-based, integrated into the mainstream health care system, and delivered in accessible and effective ways. 7. Initiatives to improve access to and quality of health care need to be evaluated. 8.

  8. Journal of Refugee Studies

    Explore a collection of leading refugee studies research from Oxford University Press books, journals, and online resources. This collection covers a diverse breadth of regions and topics, including climate migrants, asylum policy in rich democracies, and the impact of COVID-19 on refugees. Browse the collection.

  9. (PDF) Refugee Crisis in North America: Comparative Case Study of the

    The US and Canada comparative study will be split into two key areas: (1) the past of. refugee entrance and relocation policy decisions, and (2) local narratives and attitudes related to major ...

  10. Forced migrants and secure belonging: a case study of Syrian refugees

    The author wishes to thank the Syrian refugees who shared their time, stories and inspirations, and opened up their homes as participants in this study. She also thanks Jacqueline M. Hagan, Charles Kurzman, and Suzanne Shanahan for their guidance and support throughout this project.

  11. PDF Feeling like an outsider: a case study of refugee identity in the Czech

    In refugee studies, labeling can have the effect of creating an 'us' and 'them' and designating an identifying mark that can essentially create and/or compound the feeling of being an 'other'.In this case study, it is essential to define the 'us' in order to contrast with the 'them'. 'Us' is the

  12. PDF Case Study- Comprehensive Refugee Response Model in Uganda

    ountry. At the end of October 2018, Uganda was hosting 1,154,352 million refugees and asylum seekers from over 10 countries: 785,104 from South Sudan, 284,265 from DRC, 33,657 from Burundi, 22,064 from Somalia, 14,313 from Rwanda and 14,949 from other countries.1 The refugee population in Uganda is diverse and includes 10 nationalities, with ...

  13. Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies

    The Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies is a double-anonymized, peer-reviewed publication, interdisciplinary and international in scope. It is unique in its character as it covers both migration and refugee studies, with a truly global coverage, across continents and topics. The journal publishes full-length theoretical and empirical ...

  14. PDF Developments and Lessons Learned in ...

    Case Study: IKEA Refugee Housing Unit 12 A Shift Towards Values-Based Innovation at UNHCR Innovation Service 14 Case Study: Predictive Analytics in Migration 15 Importance of Participatory Design 18 ... from case studies and interviews with practitioners across the sector. The report explores how some of the major challenges of

  15. PDF One Refugee: Supporting Students from Refugee Backgrounds

    students from a refugee background. 1R provides students with academic mentoring, professional development, and financial assistance to help them access higher education opportunities in the U.S. 1R serves as a case study for other programs interested in helping students from a refugee background.

  16. Cultural Competence in Refugee Service Settings: A Scoping Review

    Refugees, Native American Indians and Hispanic Americans: Social services: N/A: Discussion paper: USA: 5. Downs, Bernstein, and Marches, 1997: Providing culturally competent primary care for immigrant and refugee women: a Cambodian case study: Refugee and immigrant women: Health care (primary care) N=1 refugee: Qualitative: case study: USA Home ...

  17. Repatriation, Insecurity, and Peace: A Case Study of Rwandan Refugees

    This book analyzes three major issues related to refugees: repatriation and its accompanying concerns - peace and security. Since the late 1980s, repatriation has been considered the most appropriate solution for refugees. This applies if the home country is peaceful, but often repatriation takes places in conflict situations, which can lead ...

  18. Refugee Stories and Recollections

    Aduc's story. 28 December 2018. Discover refugee stories from real people living in Australia. Read about why they fled, the challenges they faced and their eventual triumphs.

  19. The Syrian conflict: a case study of the challenges and acute need for

    The case study of the Center, which evolved from a rudimentary medical tent originally located directly in the Atimah displacement camp to the establishment of a local medical facility now serving thousands of Syrian IDPs, is just one example of several approaches aimed at alleviating the suffering of Syrian women and children who have been disproportionately victimized by this devastating ...

  20. Case Study

    This case study is based on Climate Refugees' October 2022 research and interviews with 85 climate impacted and displaced persons in Kenya experiencing climate-induced displacement, migration and human rights losses. October 28, 2021.

  21. PDF The Syrian Refugee Life Study

    2016 non-refugees. Relative to refugees in the 2016 JLMPS, Syrian refugees in the 2020 S-RLS have less food security, worse housing quality, and less access to public services, except for the case of education, where an opposite trend is documented. These trends are driven by refugees residing outside of refugee camps and are presumably related to

  22. PDF UNHCR Compilation of Case Law on Refugee Protection in ...

    1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees; 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons; 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness; 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees; 1969 OAU Refugee Convention; 1984 Cartagena Declaration; 1998 Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement

  23. Refugees in Australia are miles behind in health and wellbeing outcomes

    One study measured the burden of mental health diseases - such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) - on refugees and humanitarian migrants in Australia over five years. It found more than ...

  24. PhD researcher draws on refugee experience to study plight of asylum

    In some ways, she says, Canada's approach to refugees is a good news story. In the last decade, for example, the country has welcomed more than 40,000 Syrian refugees, and has been in the vanguard of acceptance for those fleeing persecution on the basis of gender identity and sexual orientation. But there is darker side, too.

  25. Syrian Refugees as Leaders: An Innovative Model for Cross ...

    Enhancing leadership and critical thinking skills for refugee leaders An innovative cross-cultural exchange educational curriculum is piloted to inform future scaleable models for Connected and Social-Networking Based Learning. The group co-created a short documentary Through the Lens of Dignity.

  26. Examples & Case Studies

    Example - UNHCR Child Protection Strategy - Kakuma, Kenya (2017) A sample child protection strategy developed by UNHCR Sub Office, Kakuma, Kenya. Source: UNHCR Publication date: 2017 Download: Word (38kb) Various case studies from the field in relation to BIP implementation.

  27. Study explores immigrant challenges and hopes

    Led by Saltanat Childress, assistant professor in the School of Social Work, the researchers interviewed 24 Arab-speaking Middle Eastern North African refugees in the United States about their ...

  28. Weekend Edition Sunday for August 18, 2024 : NPR

    In this file photo, Vice President Harris speaks at an event in Manassas, Va., on Jan. 23, 2024, to campaign for abortion rights. Harris will commemorate her historic nomination in Chicago this ...

  29. Cisco Catalyst 8200 Series Edge Platforms

    Accelerate your cloud journey with 5G-ready cloud edge platforms designed for secure access service edge (SASE), multilayer security, and cloud-native agility.

  30. Forced displacement flow dataset

    Support refugee artisans: Browse the MADE51 shop for beautiful hand-made pieces crafted by refugees. Shop MADE51. Donate. ... movements if, for example, refugee arrivals and departures balance each other out. Flow data is better suited in this case, as it records the true extent of the refugee movements. Further, refugee stocks may be subject ...