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The Journal of Early Childhood Research provides an international forum for the dissemination of early childhood research which transcends disciplinary boundaries and applies theory and research within academic and professional communities. The journal reflects international growth in research on young children’s learning and development and the impact of this on provision. The journal enjoys a wide readership which includes policy-makers, practitioners and researchers in the intersecting fields of early childhood education and care, with early childhood defined as the years from birth to eight.

The Journal of Early Childhood Research publishes original, high-quality, international early childhood research which is at the forefront of current theory and practice. Original studies which push methodological boundaries and generate new knowledge to enhance the lives of young children, their families and educators, is a key feature of this journal. We particularly welcome in-depth, and original qualitative studies which offer new insights into young children and the issues that affect them.

The Journal of Early Childhood Research is interdisciplinary in scope, being true to the tradition that educational studies (and hence early childhood education studies) has traditionally drawn from many different disciplines. The journal welcomes papers from the fields of the arts, education, health, law, social work, therapy, sociology, history, and the arts, and from non-traditional as well as established territories of early childhood education.

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The Journal of Early Childhood Research promotes high-quality, boundary pushing, international early childhood research which leads the field and is at the forefront of theory and practice. The Journal publishes original research, empirical and theoretical, that generates new knowledge to enhance the lives of young children, their families and educators. The journal aims to:

• Contribute to the expanding knowledge base across the disciplines of childhood.
• Expose and stimulate debate on current research issues in the field: theoretical, empirical, methodological and ethical.
• Encourage the consideration of the implications and applications of research findings for the improvement of provision for young children and their families.
• Highlight new thinking in key areas of theory, research design and methodology and evidence-based practice, in the fields of early education, social work, sociology, psychology, philosophy child health, and teaching,

The Journal of Early Childhood Research is interdisciplinary in scope and draws upon a number of related fields in early childhood. The Journal welcomes papers which report original studies which report studies which are breaking new ground in the field. Whilst all forms of research design are considered, of particular interest are qualitative, creative and boundary pushing studies which offer new insights into the lives and learning of young children and their families and which lead the field in terms of findings and research design.

The Journal particularly invites submission of innovative and original qualitative studies focusing on play, curriculum, assessment, children’s rights, inclusion and equity. The Journal of Early Childhood Research also invites papers with an innovative focus on methodological and ethical issues in relation to research with young children. As an international journal papers from all parts of the globe – which address the international issues affecting young children - including collaborative and comparative transnational studies - are also welcome.

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Impacts of Early Childhood Education on Medium- and Long-Term Educational Outcomes

Dana charles mccoy.

1 Harvard University, Cambridge, MA

Hirokazu Yoshikawa

2 New York University, New York, NY

Kathleen M. Ziol-Guest

Greg j. duncan.

3 University of California, Irvine, CA

Holly S. Schindler

4 University of Washington, Seattle, WA

Katherine Magnuson

5 University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI

Andrew Koepp

Jack p. shonkoff.

Despite calls to expand early childhood education (ECE) in the United States, questions remain regarding its medium- and long-term impacts on educational outcomes. We use meta-analysis of 22 high-quality experimental and quasi-experimental studies conducted between 1960 and 2016 to find that on average, participation in ECE leads to statistically significant reductions in special education placement ( d = 0.33 SD , 8.1 percentage points) and grade retention ( d = 0.26 SD , 8.3 percentage points) and increases in high school graduation rates ( d = 0.24 SD , 11.4 percentage points). These results support ECE’s utility for reducing education-related expenditures and promoting child well-being.

As a period of rapid growth in foundational cognitive, social, and emotional skills, early childhood represents a particularly sensitive time for the promotion of children’s educational potential ( Shonkoff & Philips, 2000 ). Reflecting this promise, rates of enrollment in state-funded early childhood education (ECE) programs have risen dramatically in recent years, more than doubling between 2002 and 2016 ( Barnett et al., 2017 ; Barnett, Hustedt, Robin, & Schulman, 2003 ). Despite increased investment in publicly funded ECE programming as a mechanism to promote learning, the ability of ECE to improve children’s educational outcomes in middle childhood and adolescence remains uncertain for both methodological and substantive reasons.

In the present study, we conduct a meta-analysis of high- quality research studies to provide an up-to-date estimate of the overall impact of ECE program participation on three distinct medium- and long-term educational outcomes: special education placement, grade retention, and high school graduation. We focus on these outcomes for several reasons. First, previous literature suggests that the skills typically targeted by ECE programming—including cognitive skills in language, literacy, and math as well as socio-emotional capacities in self-regulation, motivation/engagement, and persistence—are likely precursors of children’s ability to maintain a positive academic trajectory ( Heckman, Pinto, & Savelyev, 2013 ). As a result, educational outcomes are theoretically relevant as more distal targets of ECE programming. Second, the prevalence and cost of special education, grade retention, and especially high school dropout are large ( Levin, Belfield, Muennig, & Rouse, 2007 ). Because of this, understanding the possible benefits of ECE for mitigating negative educational outcomes such as these is of particular importance to educational policymaking.

To address several limitations of previous work in this area (see Appendix ), we employ data from a comprehensive meta-analytic database of ECE program evaluations published between 1960 and 2007 as well as a supplement to this database covering studies published between 2007 and 2016. All studies met strict inclusion criteria based on study design, attrition, and relevance. From this larger database, we focus on estimates for three educational outcomes (special education placement, grade retention, and high school dropout) and conduct sensitivity analyses probing differences based on model specification and the time between the end of the ECE program and the outcome measurement.

Appendix Table A1 provides detailed information on the 22 studies that met our inclusion criteria. Seven of these studies used experimental designs (i.e., random assignment to ECE vs. a non-ECE control condition), 4 used quasi-experimental designs (i.e., sibling fixed effects, regression discontinuity, and propensity score matching), and 11 compared ECE and control group children who were not randomly assigned to conditions but provided evidence that groups were equivalent on observed characteristics at baseline.

Results of multilevel weighted regression analyses revealed positive and statistically significant average effects of ECE across all three outcomes combined, b = 0.24, SE = 0.04, p < .001 (see Table 1 ). Specifically, ECE participation led to an average decrease of 0.33 SD ( SE = 0.11, p < .01) in special education placement, an average decrease of 0.26 SD ( SE = 0.06, p < .001) in grade retention, and average increase of 0.24 SD ( SE = 0.07, p < .001) in graduation rates relative to nonparticipation. Based on the subset of observations providing the necessary data, our results show that ECE participation is associated with an 8.09 percentage point ( SE = 3.44, p < .05) decrease in special education placement, 8.29 percentage point ( SE = 2.05, p < .01) decrease in grade retention, and 11.41 percentage point ( SE = 2.40, p < .01) increase in high school graduation (see Figure 1 ). Results of sensitivity analyses were largely consistent with those from our primary analyses (see Table 1 and Appendix for details) and suggest that effects of ECE on educational outcomes (particularly special education and retention) are larger at longer term follow-up relative to time points close to the end of treatment.

Effect sizes ( d ) represent results from all available observations ( n = 75). Percentage point data represent results from a subset of observations ( n = 62) with available data.

** p < .01. ***p < .001.

Estimated Standardized Difference Between ECE and Non-ECE Children Observed From Two-Level Weighted Regression Analyses

Note. All models (with the exception of the first set of sensitivity analyses) weighted by the inverse variance of the ES estimates times the inverse of the number of effect sizes per contrast. Primary models include all time points and both current and cumulative representations of special education and grade retention. The first set of sensitivity models nests effect sizes in studies rather than in contrasts. The second set of sensitivity models controls for time (in years) since the end of treatment. The third set of sensitivity models includes a reduced sample of effect sizes reflecting only the latest time point per contrast and only cumulative representations of special education and grade retention. All effect sizes coded such that positive coefficients indicate more desirable outcomes (i.e., lower special education placement, lower grade retention, and higher graduation rates). ECE = early childhood education; ES = effect size.

These results suggest that classroom-based ECE programs for children under five can lead to significant and substantial decreases in special education placement and grade retention and increases in high school graduation rates. These findings support previous work on the lasting impacts of ECE on children’s educational progression, placement, and completion ( Aos, Lieb, Mayfield, Miller, & Pennucci, 2004 ; Camilli, Vargas, Ryan, & Barnett, 2010 ; Gorey, 2001 ; Lazar et al., 1982 ). Importantly, relative to this earlier work, our analyses cover a wider age range, reflect a mix of both historical demonstration projects and more modern large-scale evaluations, and use more rigorous criteria for research design.

These results provide further evidence for the potential individual and societal benefits of expanding ECE programming in the United States. Over the past several years, financial investments in public ECE have risen rapidly, with states spending $7.4 billion in 2016 to support early education for nearly 1.5 million 3- and 4-year-olds ( Barnett et al., 2017 ). At the same time, approximately 6.4 million children are in special education classes, and more than 250,000 are retained each year, with annual per pupil expenditures for special education and retention amounting to more than $8,000 and $12,000, respectively ( Chambers, Parrish, & Harr, 2002 ; Office of Special Education Programs, 2014 ; U.S. Department of Education, 2015 ; Warren, Hoffman, & Andrew, 2014 ). Even more costly is the fact that approximately 373,000 youth in the United States drop out of high school each year, with each dropout leading to an estimated $689,000 reduction in individual lifetime earnings and a $262,000 cost to the broader economy ( Chapman, Laird, Ifill, & Kewal-Ramani, 2011 ; Levin et al., 2007 ). These negative educational outcomes are much more frequent for children growing up in low- as opposed to higher-income families, and yet more than half of low-income 3- and 4-year-old children remain out of center-based care ( Child Trends, 2015 ; O’Connor & Fernandez, 2006 ). Given the high costs that special education placement, grade retention, and dropout place on both individuals and taxpayers, our results suggest that further investments in ECE programming may be one avenue for reducing educational and economic burdens and inequities.

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to the following funders of the National Forum on Early Childhood Policy and Programs: the Alliance for Early Success, the Buffett Early Childhood Fund, the Palix Foundation, Harvard University, and an Anonymous Donor. We are also grateful to the Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education (R305A110035) and the National Institutes of Health (5R01HD073172-04) for supporting this research and to Abt Associates, Inc. and the National Institute for Early Education Research for making their data available to us. Research reported in this publication was also supported by National Institute of Child Health and Human Development of the National Institutes of Health under award No. F32HD078034 to the first author. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH or any other funding agency.

Biographies

DANA CHARLES McCOY, PhD, is an assistant professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, 14 Appian Way, Cambridge, MA 02138; ude.dravrah.esg@yoccm_anad . Her research focuses on understanding and promoting positive development in early childhood.

HIROKAZU YOSHIKAWA, PhD, is the Courtney Sale Ross Professor of Globalization and Education and co-director of the Global TIES for Children Center at New York University, 726 Broadway, 5th Floor, New York, NY 10003; [email protected] . His research focuses on impacts of programs and policies on children and youth in the United States and in low- and middle-income countries.

KATHLEEN M. ZIOL-GUEST, PhD, is a child and family policy researcher at RAND Corporation, 1776 Main Street, Santa Monica, CA, 90401; [email protected] . Her research focuses on economic well-being, income inequality, and poverty policies, particularly in early childhood.

GREG J. DUNCAN, PhD, is a distinguished professor at the University of California, Irvine School of Education, 3200 Education, Irvine, CA 92697; ude.icu@nacnudg . His research focuses on education and social policies designed to promote social mobility.

HOLLY S. SCHINDLER, PhD, is an assistant professor at the University of Washington, Miller Hall, Box 353600, Seattle, WA 98195; ude.wu@ldnihcsh . Her research focuses on how interventions and policies can best target family and school contexts during early childhood to prevent behavior problems and promote mental health in vulnerable populations of families.

KATHERINE MAGNUSON, PhD, is professor of social work and an associate director of the Institute for Research on Poverty at the University of Wisconsin, 1180 Observatory Ave, Madison, WI 53706; ude.csiw@nosungamk . Her research focuses on economically disadvantaged children, early childhood education, and other social policies.

RUI YANG, MA, is a PhD fellow in the Developmental Psychology program at New York University’s Steinhardt School of Culture, Education and Human Development, 246 Greene Street, 516E, New York, NY 10003; [email protected] . Yang’s primary research interest is understanding the process of gender socialization in cultural context.

ANDREW KOEPP, EdM, is a research assistant at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, 13 Appian Way, Cambridge, MA 02138; ude.dravrah.liam@ppeok_werdna . His research explores how children and families benefit from supportive early care settings.

JACK P. SHONKOFF, MD, is the Julius B. Richmond FAMRI Professor of Child Health and Development and director of the Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University, 50 Church Street, Cambridge, MA 02138; ude.dravrah@ffoknohs_kcaj . His work focuses on driving science-based innovation to achieve breakthrough outcomes for young children facing adversity.

Existing Evidence on Impacts of Early Childhood Education

Since the initiation of the Head Start program in the 1960s, a large body of educational and developmental research has focused on understanding the impacts of early childhood education (ECE) programs on children’s subsequent well-being. Most of these studies have focused on immediate and often positive gains in the types of cognitive and self-regulatory skills that are associated with children’s later academic well-being ( Lazar et al., 1982 ). Building on this work and broader theory regarding developmental cascades, a much smaller set of studies has aimed to quantify ECE’s longer term educational benefits ( Masten et al., 2005 ). In particular, the results of two of the most influential model programs in the early childhood literature—Perry Preschool and Abecedarian—are often cited as conclusive evidence for the role of ECE in improving educational attainment ( Barnett & Masse, 2007 ). In addition to demonstrating individual benefits, these studies are also used as exemplars of ECE’s potential to generate social benefits far in excess of their costs, with estimates typically surpassing $5 returned for every initial $1 invested in early educational programming ( Barnett & Masse, 2007 ; Belfield, Nores, Barnett, & Schweinhart, 2006 ; Heckman, Moon, Pinto, Savelyev, & Yavitz, 2010 ; Karoly, Kilburn, & Cannon, 2006 ).

Although the results of the Perry and Abecedarian programs support the promise of ECE for delivering both individual and social benefits, it is difficult to draw general conclusions from just two model program evaluations. In an attempt to provide a more comprehensive—and representative—perspective of the longer term benefits of ECE, several studies have used meta-analysis to quantify average effects across multiple evaluations using studies, rather than individuals, as the unit of observation ( Cooper & Hedges, 2009 ). When focusing on educational outcomes like graduation, attainment, special education placement, and grade retention, these meta-analyses have identified positive overall impacts of ECE participation, with effect sizes in the d = 0.15 to 0.50 range ( Aos, Lieb, Mayfield, Miller, & Pennucci, 2004 ; Camilli, Vargas, Ryan, & Barnett, 2010 ; Gorey, 2001 ; LazQAzar et al., 1982).

Although promising, there are several limitations of this collective body of work that we attempt to address in the present study. First, with the exception of Aos et al. (2004) , no meta-analysis has included studies of ECE’s impact on educational outcomes published after 2000. In the present study, we review literature published up to 2016 to provide a more up-to-date meta-analytic estimate. In addition, we extend previous work focusing on ECE for 3- and 4-year-old children (e.g., Aos et al., 2004 ; Camilli et al., 2010 ) by considering services provided for children in the full 0 to 5 age range.

Second, unlike previous meta-analyses in this area ( Aos et al., 2004 ; Camilli et al., 2010 ; Lazar et al., 1982 ), we limit our analyses to focus exclusively on studies meeting a strict set of quality standards. From a methodological standpoint, the quality of a given meta-analysis is largely determined by the quality of the individual studies it covers ( Barnett, 1995 ; Gormley, 2007 ). When an included study is systematically biased, for example due to problems with nonrandom selection into treatment conditions or selective attrition, the results of the meta-analysis will also be biased ( Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2009 ). By limiting our analysis to studies using rigorous experimental and quasi-experimental designs that have established baseline equivalence across ECE and comparison groups and reasonable levels of attrition, we aim to ensure that our estimates are as internally valid as possible.

Third, we provide both aggregated and disaggregated estimates of ECE’s impacts on three distinct educational outcomes. A common issue within meta-analysis is the collective evaluation of studies that differ fundamentally from one another in one or more ways, otherwise known as the “apples and oranges” problem ( Borenstein et al., 2009 ). In ECE research, previous meta-analyses (e.g., Camilli et al., 2010 ) have combined special education placement, grade retention, high school completion, and academic attainment into one outcome category despite the fact that these outcomes differ in terms of their relationship with other domains of functioning ( Alexander, Entwistle, & Kabbani, 2001 ; Morgan, Frisco, Farkas, & Hibel, 2010 ). Although some older meta-analyses have included domain-specific estimates (e.g., Gorey, 2001 ), no studies in the past decade have estimated the impacts of ECE on the subtypes of educational outcomes that generate important costs to both individuals and societies. We address this problem in the present study by identifying separate estimates for ECE’s impact on special education placement, grade retention, and high school graduation.

Detailed Methods

The present study draws from a comprehensive database of early childhood care and education program evaluations conducted in the United States between 1960 and 2007 and compiled by the National Forum on Early Childhood Policy and Programs. Building on several previously existing meta-analytic databases ( Camilli et al., 2010 ; Jacob, Creps, & Boulay, 2004 ; Shager et al., 2013 ), the Forum’s database was expanded to include ECE programs for children under age 3 and new research through 2007 and narrowed to focus only on studies meeting a strict set of quality-related criteria. For the present study, this database was then expanded once again to include studies published between 2007 and 2016. Studies were identified through systematic literature review, manual searches of leading policy institutes (e.g., Abt, Rand, Mathematica Policy Research, NIEER) and state and federal departments (e.g., U.S. Department of Health and Human Services), and “snowballing” of the reference sections of included studies and reviews.

Studies were included in the database if they (a) evaluated a U.S.-based educational program, policy, or intervention for children ages 0 to 5 years; (b) made use of a comparison group that was shown to be equivalent to the treatment group at baseline; (c) had at least 10 participants in each condition; (d) experienced less than 50% attrition in each condition between initiation of treatment and the follow-up measurement; and (e) had enough information to calculate effect sizes for analysis. Included evaluations made use of experimental designs as well as quasi-experimental designs that included pre-post treatment and control group comparisons and were equivalent on relevant characteristics before initiation of treatment. Full inclusion and exclusion criteria for the complete meta-analytic database can be found in Shager et al. (2013) .

Of the more than 10,000 documents reviewed, most were excluded because they were not research studies, did not include an evaluation component, or consisted solely of previously published results. In total, 272 met the aforementioned criteria and were included in the full database. An additional 4 studies focusing exclusively on the outcomes of interest for the present study were also included covering the time period of 2007 to 2016. Data abstraction and coding were completed by doctoral-level research assistants. Coder training took place over a three- to six-month period and ended with reliability checks in which coders were required to achieve an interrater agreement with an expert coder of .80 for all codes with the exception of effect sizes, which were required to be within 10% of the true effect size. The range of interrater reliabilities for all study information was .87 to .96. Coding questions and discrepancies were resolved during weekly, full-team meetings and recorded for future reference in an annotated codebook.

Data were abstracted at multiple levels. Studies refer to the distinct investigations of different ECE programs. Contrasts are defined as comparisons of groups within a given study that experienced different conditions (e.g., full-time ECE vs. control, part-time ECE vs. control). Finally, effect sizes represent the standardized treatment-control difference using different outcome measures at different time points within contrasts.

Effect sizes were coded for special education placement, grade retention, and high school graduation outcomes using Comprehensive Meta-Analysis computer software ( Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2005 ). Specifically, Hedges g was calculated, which adjusts the standardized mean difference (Cohen’s d ) to account for bias in the d estimator when sample sizes are small. In the case of dichotomous rate and event data, effect sizes were first calculated as odds ratios before being converted to Hedges g . All effect sizes were coded such that positive numbers indicate more desirable outcomes (i.e., lower special education placement and grade retention, higher high school graduation).

For the present paper, we focused exclusively on studies that compared classroom-based ECE programs to non-ECE conditions for the full study sample. We excluded effect sizes that were not relevant to one of our three focal outcome measures (special education placement, grade retention, and high school graduation), including college participation and years of education completed. After imposing these exclusions, the final analytic sample for the present study included a total of 75 effect sizes taken from 34 contrasts and 22 studies (see Appendix Table A1 for study names and features).

Within our analytic sample, outcome definitions varied in two important ways. First, special education placement and grade retention were coded as either “current” (e.g., being in special education at the time of the data collection) or “cumulative” (e.g., ever having been in special education since the time of the intervention). Second, different studies captured outcomes at different time points. Time between the end of treatment and the measurement of the given outcomes was coded in years and included as a control variable in our sensitivity analyses.

To account for the nested nature of the effect size data, we used a two-level random intercept model with effect sizes at Level 1 nested in contrasts at Level 2. We chose this over a three-level model due to the low levels of nesting of contrasts within studies (average n of contrasts within studies = 1.54; range = 1–6). To determine whether ECE participation affected our targeted educational outcomes, we ran four primary models: (1) a model predicting cumulative and current special education effect sizes at all available time points, (2) a model predicting cumulative and current grade retention effect sizes at all available time points, (3) a model predicting high school graduation effect sizes at all available time points, and (4) a model that combines all of the aforementioned effect sizes for a single estimate of overall ECE impact on educational outcomes. We replicated these analyses using available percentage point (rather than effect size) data, which required us to limit our sample to 62 of the original 75 observations as some effect sizes could not be converted to percentage points (e.g., the NLSY79 Head Start regression discontinuity study). Effect sizes were, on average, slightly larger in the 13 observations without available percentage point data (mean effect size = 0.31) than they were in the 62 observations with available percentage point data (mean effect size = 0.28), though this difference was not statistically significant, t (73) = 0.72, p = ns .

We also ran three supplemental sets of sensitivity analyses using effect size data. The first used an alternative nesting strategy, with effect sizes nested in studies rather than contrasts. The second took the same approach used in the primary analyses but controlled for the amount of time that passed (in years) between the end of the treatment and the observation time point. The third focused on a narrower set of models predicting only “cumulative” outcome definitions taken from the latest available time point.

Because effect sizes are based on varying numbers of cases and are therefore estimated with varying degrees of precision, effect sizes (and estimates of percentage point differences) were weighted by the inverse of the variance of each effect size estimate multiplied by the inverse of the number of effect sizes per contrast ( Cooper & Hedges, 2009 ; Lipsey & Wilson, 2001 ). Across all models, the primary coefficient of interest was the Level 1 intercept, which reflects the average effect size for the particular outcome across included contrasts (or studies).

Results of Sensitivity Analyses

Results of primary and sensitivity analyses are shown in full in Table 1 , as well as in Appendix Figures A1 through ​ throughA3. A3 . Specifically, results of the first set of sensitivity analyses in which effect sizes were nested in studies (rather than contrasts) produced estimates that were relatively comparable (within approximately 0.03 SD ) to the primary results. In particular, when nesting in studies, the overall effect of ECE on all outcomes was b = 0.24 ( SE = 0.04, p < .001), and the effect on special education was b = 0.30 ( SE = 0.11, p < .05), grade retention was b = 0.23 ( SE = 0.05, p < .01), and graduation rates was b = 0.27 ( SE = 0.07, p < .001).

Results of the second set of sensitivity analyses—which included an additional “time since end of treatment” control—produced results that were similar to the primary findings for grade retention, attenuated slightly (by approximately 0.04 SD ) for graduation and attenuated substantially (by approximately 0.15 SD , or nearly 50% of the primary estimate) for special education. In particular, the overall impact of ECE immediately following treatment across all outcomes was b = 0.16 ( SE = 0.06, p < .01), whereas the effect of ECE immediately following treatment on special education was b = 0.17 ( SE = 0.11, ns ), grade retention was b = 0.26 ( SE = 0.07, p < .05), and graduation rates was b = 0.21 ( SE = 0.08, p < .01). The coefficient for time in years since treatment was significant and positive for all outcomes but graduation, indicating that ECE impacts grew larger each year posttreatment for special education and retention and remained stable over time for graduation. Specifically, ECE effects were found to be significantly larger across time for all outcomes combined ( b = 0.013, SE = 0.002, p < .001), special education ( b = 0.022, SE = 0.003, p < .001), and grade retention ( b = 0.020, SE = 0.001, p < .001). Collectively, these results showing growing ECE effects on special education and retention diverge from prior evidence showing “fade-out” of ECE’s benefits for cognitive skills and achievement. Additional research is needed to identify the mechanisms underlying these gains. It is possible, for example, that ECE may benefit children’s development of fundamental but often unmeasured skills such as self-regulation, communication, and motivation, and these skills in turn may lead to more favorable educational outcomes over time ( Bailey, Duncan, Odgers, & Yu, 2017 ).

A third set of sensitivity analyses examining only (a) the last time point of data available within a given contrast and (b) cumulative data for special education and grade retention again revealed positive and statistically significant effects of ECE across all three outcomes ( b = 0.28, SE = 0.05, p < .001). Relative to the primary results, results of these sensitivity analyses were slightly stronger (by approximately 0.03–0.05 SD ) for special education and retention and substantially smaller (by approximately 0.14 SD ) for graduation. In particular, these sensitivity analyses showed that ECE participants were, on average, 0.37 SD ( SE = 0.05, p < .001) lower in special education placement, 0.29 SD ( SE = 0.07, p < .001) lower in grade retention, and 0.10 SD ( SE = 0.02, p < .001) higher in graduation rates than their control group peers. Follow-up analyses revealed that the substantial drop in average effect size magnitude for graduation rates within this set of sensitivity analyses was attributable to the relatively greater weighting of the NLSY study—which, due to its large sample size, has a very small standard error—within a more limited sample of effect sizes.

Limitations

Research is needed to address several important limitations of the work presented. First and most importantly, circumstances surrounding today’s ECE programs differ from those associated with many of the programs included in this analysis. Many programs in this analysis were implemented at a time when alternative care options were limited, mostly targeted particularly high-risk children, often included comprehensive “wrap-around” services and home visiting components, and frequently provided services for multiple years at a time. Although our inclusion of more recent programs (up to 2016) represents an improvement on prior meta-analyses in this area, the degree to which the impacts found in the present analyses are comparable with the potential effects of the types of universal, publicly funded pre-school programs being considered for scale-up today is a needed area of future research ( Barnett, 2010 ). Second, the limited data from the small sample of included studies precludes our ability to test hypotheses of mechanism, impact variation, and relative forms and levels of program quality. In particular, probing the degree to which these effects may be explained by differences in cognitive and/or socio-emotional functioning is of particular use for generating knowledge about intervention impact fadeout and persistence ( Bailey et al., 2017 ). Additional attention is also needed to understand the degree to which ECE’s impacts may be stronger—or weaker—for particular subgroups of children ( Magnuson et al., 2016 ). In the Perry program evaluated in this study, for example, improvements in graduation rates and reductions in grade retention were driven entirely by girls, whereas effects on criminal activity, later-life income, and employment were driven by boys ( Heckman et al., 2010 ; Schweinhart et al., 2005 ). Moving forward, research with a larger number of longitudinal studies is needed to probe these critical, policy-relevant questions of “why” and “for whom.”

+ and dark grey bars identify those observations included in sensitivity analyses using a reduced sample. Two additional observations (one from the Yale Child Welfare Research Program and one from the Perry Preschool study) included in primary analyses but not shown due to lack of percentage point data.

+ and dark grey bars identify those observations included in sensitivity analyses using a reduced sample. Seven additional observations (six from the Currie and Thomas NLSCM fixed effect study and one from the NLSY79 Head Start regression discontinuity study) included in primary analyses but not shown due to lack of percentage point data.

+ and dark grey bars identify those observations included in sensitivity analyses using a reduced sample. Two additional observations (from the NLSY79 Head Start regression discontinuity study and the OEO Head Start regression discontinuity study) included in primary analyses but not shown due to lack of percentage point data.

Summary of Included Studies

*Study included in meta-analysis.

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MIT Study Reveals Long-Term Benefits of High-Quality Early Childhood Education

This morning, the School Effectiveness and Inequality Initiative at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) released the findings of a new study on the long-term effects of Boston’s preschool program. Using admissions lotteries, the research found that participation in the preschool program led to significant long-term improvements in academic and behavioral outcomes in children. 

From the study authors: 

This work studies the impact of Boston Public Schools’ (BPS) public preschool program using data on more than 4,000 preschool applicants from 1997 to 2003. The study leverages the randomization embedded in the BPS preschool lottery-based assignment process to compare the outcomes of students who won a preschool seat to students whose random lottery number was not high enough to win a seat.

Notably, compared to students who did not attend the Boston Public Schools preschool program, attendees in this study were more likely to graduate high school, more likely to take the SAT, more likely to enroll in college on-time, and more likely to ever enroll in college. Additionally, students who attended preschool had fewer school suspensions in high school and were less likely to experience juvenile incarceration. 

Read the full study here and the brief here .

According to the researchers: “As policymakers consider increased public investment in universal preschool, the research findings suggest that preschool can lead to long-term educational attainment gains through improvements in behavior. Furthermore, the observed effects across demographic groups suggest that all students are likely to benefit from universal preschool.”

The findings of this study add to the ever-growing arsenal of research and data that show the undeniable short- and long-term benefits of high-quality early childhood education. Preschool for 3- and 4-year-olds is an important element in a continuum of high-quality early learning and care opportunities that are proven to help children, particularly those from low-income families, develop the social, emotional, and academic skills necessary for success in school and life.

FFYF’s latest national polling shows that Republican and Democratic voters support early learning and care proposals and want to see their elected officials work together:

• 73% of Republican voters and 95% of Democratic voters support making preschool more available by providing it to all three- and four-year-olds whose parents want to send them, with no additional cost to parents. 
• 78% of Republican voters and 93% of Democratic voters support making child care more affordable by providing financial support to help working families pay some or all of the cost of quality care. What families pay would be on a sliding scale based on their income.
• A solid majority of Republicans say their member of Congress should work with Joe Biden on these issues.

A recent proposal from President Biden as part of the American Families Plan would invest $220 billion to ensure all families had free access to the high-quality preschool of their choice and $225 billion to reform and expand access to high-quality child care opportunities for working families, in addition to other crucial investments and supports. 

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A top researcher says it's time to rethink our entire approach to preschool

Anya Kamenetz

Dale Farran has been studying early childhood education for half a century. Yet her most recent scientific publication has made her question everything she thought she knew.

"It really has required a lot of soul-searching, a lot of reading of the literature to try to think of what were plausible reasons that might account for this."

And by "this," she means the outcome of a study that lasted more than a decade. It included 2,990 low-income children in Tennessee who applied to free, public prekindergarten programs. Some were admitted by lottery, and the others were rejected, creating the closest thing you can get in the real world to a randomized, controlled trial — the gold standard in showing causality in science.

The Tennessee Pre-K Debate: Spinach Vs. Easter Grass

Farran and her co-authors at Vanderbilt University followed both groups of children all the way through sixth grade. At the end of their first year, the kids who went to pre-K scored higher on school readiness — as expected.

But after third grade, they were doing worse than the control group. And at the end of sixth grade, they were doing even worse. They had lower test scores, were more likely to be in special education, and were more likely to get into trouble in school, including serious trouble like suspensions.

"Whereas in third grade we saw negative effects on one of the three state achievement tests, in sixth grade we saw it on all three — math, science and reading," says Farran. "In third grade, where we had seen effects on one type of suspension, which is minor violations, by sixth grade we're seeing it on both types of suspensions, both major and minor."

That's right. A statewide public pre-K program, taught by licensed teachers, housed in public schools, had a measurable and statistically significant negative effect on the children in this study.

Farran hadn't expected it. She didn't like it. But her study design was unusually strong, so she couldn't easily explain it away.

"This is still the only randomized controlled trial of a statewide pre-K, and I know that people get upset about this and don't want it to be true."

Why it's a bad time for bad news

It's a bad time for early childhood advocates to get bad news about public pre-K. Federally funded universal prekindergarten for 3- and 4-year-olds has been a cornerstone of President Biden's social agenda, and there are talks about resurrecting it from the stalled-out "Build Back Better" plan. Preschool has been expanding in recent years and is currently publicly funded to some extent in 46 states. About 7 in 10 4-year-olds now attend some kind of academic program.

This enthusiasm has rested in part on research going back to the 1970s. Nobel Prize-winning economist James Heckman, among others, showed substantial long-term returns on investment for specially designed and carefully implemented programs.

To put it crudely, policymakers and experts have touted for decades now that if you give a 4-year-old who is growing up in poverty a good dose of story time and block play, they'll be more likely to grow up to become a high-earning, productive citizen.

What went wrong in Tennessee

No study is the last word. The research on pre-K continues to be mixed. In May 2021, a working paper (not yet peer reviewed) came out that looked at Boston's pre-K program. The study was a similar size to Farran's, used a similar quasi-experimental design based on random assignment, and also followed up with students for years. This study found that the preschool kids had better disciplinary records and were much more likely to graduate from high school, take the SATs and go to college, though their test scores didn't show a difference.

Farran believes that, with a citywide program, there's more opportunity for quality control than in her statewide study. Boston's program spent more per student, and it also was mixed-income, whereas Tennessee's program is for low-income kids only.

So what went wrong in Tennessee? Farran has some ideas — and they challenge almost everything about how we do school. How teachers are prepared, how programs are funded and where they are located. Even something as simple as where the bathrooms are.

In short, Farran is rethinking her own preconceptions, which are an entire field's preconceptions, about what constitutes quality pre-K.

Do kids in poverty deserve the same teaching as rich kids?

"One of the biases that I hadn't examined in myself is the idea that poor children need a different sort of preparation from children of higher-income families."

She's talking about drilling kids on basic skills. Worksheets for tracing letters and numbers. A teacher giving 10-minute lectures to a whole class of 25 kids who are expected to sit on their hands and listen, only five of whom may be paying any attention.

A Harsh Critique Of Federally Funded Pre-K

"Higher-income families are not choosing this kind of preparation," she explains. "And why would we assume that we need to train children of lower-income families earlier?"

Farran points out that families of means tend to choose play-based preschool programs with art, movement, music and nature. Children are asked open-ended questions, and they are listened to.

5 Proven Benefits Of Play

This is not what Farran is seeing in classrooms full of kids in poverty, where "teachers talk a lot, but they seldom listen to children." She thinks that part of the problem is that teachers in many states are certified for teaching students in prekindergarten through grade 5, or sometimes even pre-K-8. Very little of their training focuses on the youngest learners.

So another major bias that she's challenging is the idea that teacher certification equals quality. "There have been three very large studies, the latest one in 2018, which are not showing any relationship between quality and licensure."

Putting a bubble in your mouth

In 2016, Farran published a study based on her observations of publicly funded Tennessee pre-K classrooms similar to those included in this paper. She found then that the largest chunk of the day was spent in transition time. This means simply moving kids around the building.

Partly this is an architectural problem. Private preschools, even home-based day cares, tend to be laid out with little bodies in mind. There are bathrooms just off the classrooms. Children eat in, or very near, the classroom, too. And there is outdoor play space nearby with equipment suitable for short people.

Putting these same programs in public schools can make the whole day more inconvenient.

"So if you're in an older elementary school, the bathroom is going to be down the hall. You've got to take your children out, line them up and then they wait," Farran says. "And then, if you have to use the cafeteria, it's the same thing. You have to walk through the halls, you know: 'Don't touch your neighbor, don't touch the wall, put a bubble in your mouth because you have to be quiet.' "

One of Farran's most intriguing conjectures is that this need for control could explain the extra discipline problems seen later on in her most recent study.

"I think children are not learning internal control. And if anything, they're learning sort of an almost allergic reaction to the amount of external control that they're having, that they're having to experience in school."

In other words, regularly reprimanding kids for doing normal kid stuff at 4 years old, even suspending them, could backfire down the road as children experience school as a place of unreasonable expectations.

We know from other research that the control of children's bodies at school can have disparate racial impact. Other studies have suggested that Black children are disciplined more often in preschool, as they are in later grades. Farran's study, where 70% of the kids were white, found interactions between race, gender, and discipline problems, but no extra effect of attending preschool was detected.

Preschool Suspensions Really Happen And That's Not OK With Connecticut

Where to go from here.

The United States has a child care crisis that COVID-19 both intensified and highlighted. Progressive policymakers and advocates have tried for years to expand public support for child care by "pushing it down" from the existing public school system, using the teachers and the buildings.

Farran praises the direction that New York City, for one, has taken instead: a "mixed-delivery" program with slots for 3- and 4-year-olds. Some kids attend free public preschool in existing nonprofit day care centers, some in Head Start programs and some in traditional schools.

But the biggest lesson Farran has drawn from her research is that we've simply asked too much of pre-K, based on early results from what were essentially showcase pilot programs. "We tend to want a magic bullet," she says.

"Whoever thought that you could provide a 4-year-old from an impoverished family with 5 1/2 hours a day, nine months a year of preschool, and close the achievement gap, and send them to college at a higher rate?" she asks. "I mean, why? Why do we put so much pressure on our pre-K programs?"

We might actually get better results, she says, from simply letting little children play.

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“ECEP has a stimulating and safe environment that provides our child with a lot of hands-on activities and an educational philosophy founded upon inquiry.”

– ECEP Parent

A Classroom of Inquiry

While the children learn through play , we learn from them. The Center has been able to leverage what the University of California, Berkeley does best as a community of scholars. The heart of our model is applied research.

Researchers use the classrooms as a living laboratory, where they can gain insights into the way children learn and grow best. In turn, the teachers at the centers are able to implement these innovative, best practices into the daily lives of the children.

Since the first center opened in 1928, innovative teaching and learning approaches have been developed, implemented, and evaluated in collaboration with teachers. Our research studies have influenced how our teachers design spaces and activities to enable each child to learn.

We believe all aspects of child development are integrated, and we’ve even adapted our physical environment to maximize healthy physical development, learning, and personal growth. For example, based on a study of play yards at the center, we’ve brought in play structures that increase options for active play and interaction between children. Our large fresh air spaces are integral to the physical environment at all our centers.

The commitment to the integration of research and practice grew stronger with the launching of the new Early Development & Learning Science (ED&LS) undergraduate program in May 2018. UC Berkeley, the premier public research university, is uniquely positioned — with world-renowned scholars and a diverse student body — to make remarkable progress in redefining developmental science on young children. Key scholars are committed to creative partnerships that integrate understanding across neuroscience, developmental psychology, education, public health, economics, social welfare, and policy.

ED&LS and the new Developing Child Undergraduate Summer Minor and Certificate Program are helping to solidify the redefining of developmental science. The Developing Child is the new ED&LS interdisciplinary, developmental science Summer Minor and Certificate, focused on children from birth to age 8. Integrating research, practice, and policy with problem-solving and implementation skills for the real world, the innovative coursework and practicum enrich the approach of individuals working with or on behalf of young children.

Our research studies enable us to serve as a model for early childhood education. As early as 1932, our researchers have been publishing in peer review journals and writing dissertations and books spanning many academic disciplines. Some of the highlights of this research is featured in “ Creating a Classroom of Inquiry at the University of California at Berkeley. ”

University-based research occurs year-round. Developmental labs on campus conduct studies focusing on a wide range on disciplines. Studies begin during the fall semester and run through spring and summer. Participation in research may take place at all 5 centers, but is most prevalent at the Harold E. Jones Child Study Center and the Haste Street Child Development Center.

During enrollment, families are invited to become part of the Institute of Human Development (IHD) Recruitment Database. This database allows IHD, UC Berkeley developmental labs and the IHD Research Coordinator to contact families regarding consent for upcoming studies, research related activities and updates. Consent for individual studies are sought separately.

Families are notified ahead of time when there will be a research study or survey in their child’s classroom, and will have the opportunity to choose whether to participate. In addition, informal observations of classrooms by UC ED&LS, Early Childhood, Psychology, Sociology or Education students, or other University representatives may occur at any time without parent notification.

Before research begins, research study consent forms are distributed to families participating in the IHD Recruitment Database. Families who consent to their child’s participation in research will be notified when studies are scheduled to begin and if their child agrees to participate.

Children are supervised at all times. A qualified teacher will accompany the researcher and the child while they are involved in a research activity. Children may be observed by researchers from within the observation galleries, or may be engaged in a "game" or specific task in a quiet research room located within your child’s center. Children do not leave school grounds.

There are strict rules to ensure that a child’s participation in research does not interrupt classroom opportunities. Sessions cannot last more than 20 minutes, a child cannot participate in more than three sessions per week, and the child can refuse participation – though most enjoy it and ask to participate or "play games.”

Research is administered by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Human Development (IHD) . All research is reviewed and approved by the UCB Committee for Protection of Human Subjects, and reviewed by the IHD Research Coordinator.

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Long-term effects of early childhood education: beyond academics.

Bright from the Start: Georgia Department of Early Care and Learning’s (DECAL) Longitudinal Study of Georgia’s Pre-K Program Third Grade Report , released in January 2021, and a webinar hosted by the Hunt Institute featuring a panel of nationally renowned early education experts, provide insight into the connection between high-quality early education settings and long-term outcomes for individuals.

Both the research article and webinar address the data gathered from more than 22 experimental and quasi-experimental studies conducted between 1960 and 2016 to determine overall trends.

While Georgia Pre-K research found significant positive outcomes of early childhood education for students through the third grade, additional research has shown that the impact doesn’t stop there. Participating in high-quality early education is associated with positive outcomes in a wide range of quality-of-life areas, including:

• lower rates of criminal justice involvement,
• higher likelihood of completing high school,
• higher likelihood of pursuing additional education,
• fewer chronic disease illnesses, and
• better general health.

Early education researchers Craig Ramey, Ph.D., of Virginia Tech; Alison Gopnik, Ph.D., of the University of California at Berkeley; Francis Pearman, Ph.D., of Stanford University; and Robert Carr, Ph.D., of Duke University discussed the long-term impacts of early childhood education on individual development and on communities.

The presenters discussed findings from ongoing research, as well as the implications for early childhood education policy and practice, including:

• the Perry Preschool Project—HighScope initiated in Michigan during the 1960s, which has continued to follow the participating children and families into adulthood;
• the Carolina Abecedarian Project , an early childhood study that began in the 1970s and has followed close to 100 children and their families for nearly 50 years;
• studies in New Jersey and Tulsa, Okla., with children from low-income urban districts; and
• a Chicago study comparing 900 preschool participating children and families with 500 children and families.

What They Found

Early childhood education experiences can have long-term effects on decision making and life choices into adulthood. These impacts were found in broad studies of the impact of early childhood education over time. However, studies also have indicated that the effects are most significant in children from high-poverty areas—significantly higher when compared to children from low-poverty areas:

• Children who participated in early childhood programs were less likely to experience grade retention during high school (across multiple studies).
• Students participating in early childhood programs were more likely to graduate from high school than their peers who didn’t participate in quality early education—80% and 60% respectively in the HighScope Perry Preschool Project (other similar rates from multiple studies).
• Adults who had high-quality early child education experiences had more positive social interactions and are more community focused (Abecedarian study).
• Adults who had quality early child education experiences are more likely to be employed full time, own a car, own a home, and have a savings account.
• As older adults, those who participated in quality early childhood programs are more likely to have more positive relationships with family members.
• Participants in quality early education settings were less likely to be placed in special education programs later in school.
• People who attended quality early childhood education were more likely to attend college, have higher SAT scores, and higher high-school graduation rates (based on multiple studies).
• Those who attended high-quality early childhood settings were less likely to be incarcerated as juveniles compared to those who didn’t.
• Individuals who participated in preschool programs earned up to $2,000 more a month as an adult compared to a group of non-preschool attendees. (HighScope Perry Preschool Project).

What Communities Can Do

Based on the findings from this study, communities can use this information with community partners and activities:

• Continue to support and encourage high-quality early education opportunities within your community and for all families.
• Provide support and resources for existing early education settings to continually improve quality of care by supporting Quality Rated efforts, education for teachers, resources for classrooms, and maintenance of facilities.
• Provide education for families about the importance of quality early childhood education.
• Link families to resources that increase their capacity to provide early education opportunities to their children.
• Help connect families to DECAL resources and subsidies to help families afford quality early education.
• Understand the types of quality early education settings needed within your community (hours, locations) by assessing family needs, work schedules, and locations, and where existing resources are located.
• Support DECAL and Quality Care for Children efforts in communities to provide training to early childhood education settings on the importance of high-quality care and how to continually improve care.

Learn more:

National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc .

econpapers.repec.org/paper/nbrnberwo/28756.htm

Impacts of Early Childhood Education on Medium and Long-Term Educational Outcomes: journals.sagepub.com/stoken/default+domain/ycdsVk2Xu4vSV8gxECVS/full

The long-term advantages of early childhood education infographic: elearninginfographics.com/advantages-early-childhood-education-infographic

New Analysis Finds Long-Lasting Benefits from Early-Childhood Education, Education Week : edweek.org/teaching-learning/new-analysis-finds-long-lasting-benefits-from-early-childhood-education/2017/11

Virginia Tech Carilion Research Institute researchers find positive effects of early education intervention four decades later: vtx.vt.edu/articles/2018/11/naturecomm-vtcri-112018.html

Virginia Tech Carilion Research Institute scientists show that high-quality, early childhood education has significant benefits: vtx.vt.edu/articles/2017/04/vtcri-earlychildhoodeducation.html

Contact: Reg Griffin DECAL Communications Director 404-656-0239 [email protected]

Bill Valladares GaFCP Communications Director 404-739-0043 william @ gafcp.org

Follow us on Twitter: @gafcpnews

Connect with us on Facebook .

Bright from the Start: Georgia Department of Early Care and Learning is responsible for meeting the child care and early education needs of Georgia’s children and their families. It administers the nationally recognized Georgia’s Pre-K Program, licenses child care centers

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Disseminating Recommended Practice: Early Childhood Education Institute researchers share strategies for involving families

August 26, 2024

BATON ROUGE, LA - Early Childhood Education Institute (ECEI) Researchers , Michelle Brunson, PhD and Cynthia DiCarlo , PhD , along with their colleagues Ashely Boudreaux , Debra Jo Hailey , and Katrina Jordan , recently shared strategies for involving families in early childhood education in their article, “ Engaging Parents as Partners Using Traditional and Distance Learning Models ” in the practitioner publication ChildCare Exchange .

ChildCare Exchange is read by thousands of early childhood professionals worldwide. Our readership includes faculty and professors, students, trainers, center directors, family childcare providers, classroom teachers, and early childhood organizations that support our field. ChildCare Exchange is committed to fostering an inclusive community by elevating story and conversation throughout early care and education. ChildCare Exchange has nearly 6,000 members, strategic partner organizations , and libraries that share Exchange articles with their networks!

Part of the mission of the ECEI is to disseminate research-based practices; publishing in practitioner journals gets research-based information in the hands of teachers. Stressing the importance of home-school relationships, this article shares practical research-based strategies with teachers just in time for the start of the school year.

The Early Childhood Education Institute at LSU is focused holistically on the early years and fills a unique niche by targeting early care, specifically birth through age three. Holistic development invites collaboration from other disciplines to study recommended practices for young children. The ECE Institute at LSU aims to make LSU a leader in early care and education research, dissemination, and advocacy of recommended practices. Through a balanced emphasis on research and education programs, recommended practices in educating and caring for young children will be created, applied, evaluated, and disseminated. We focus on developing expert early care practitioners who deliver high-quality early childhood programming, engage in research practices, and advocate for the profession.

Visit the Early Childhood Education Institute website.

The College of Human Sciences & Education (CHSE) is a nationally accredited division of Louisiana State University. The college comprises the School of Education, the School of Information Studies, the School of Kinesiology, the School of Leadership & Human Resource Development, and the School of Social Work. CHSE has two model demonstration schools: the Early Childhood Education Laboratory Preschool, which enrolls birth to age four, and the University Laboratory School, which enrolls kindergarten through grade 12. The college also has four centers and institutes: the Early Childhood Education Institute, the Healthy Aging Research Center, the Leadership Development Institute, and the Social Research & Evaluation Center. The college is committed to achieving the highest standards in teaching, research, and service and improving quality of life across the lifespan.

Visit the College of Human Sciences & Education website.

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Infant and Early Childhood Development Program Provides Understanding, Evidence-Based Curriculum and Practice  

This feature originally appeared in the January 2024 edition of FOCUS Magazine. Read the article and entire issue here.

The Infant and Early Childhood Development (IECD) program fills a unique and unmet need in education, clinical work, and advocacy in Infant Mental Health (IMH) and in developmental assessment and intervention of infants and children and their families. The design of the IECD program blends an otherwise unavailable DIR® (Developmental, Individual Differences, and Relationship-based) approach with more widely offered Infant Mental Health education and Reflective Practice training, giving students a more broad-based understanding of the field along with the most up-to-date, evidence-based discoveries and trends in the field.

Faculty Perspective

Lorraine ehlers-flint, phd.

Dr. Lorraine Ehlers-Flint

Lorraine Ehlers-Flint, PhD: Licensed Clinical Psychologist, seasoned DIR® trainer and practitioner, international (Argentina) faculty, original faculty alongside program developers Drs. Stanley Greenspan and Serena Wieder.

For Dr. Ehlers-Flint, it is necessary to uphold the tenets of IMH and DIR® through a commitment to relationships that value varied viewpoints, active listening, and intentional participation. The interdisciplinary nature of IECD fosters collaboration among faculty and students, facilitating the discovery of shared meaning and creating a learning process fueled by curiosity and openness. In addition, IECD prioritizes JEDI principles and embraces diversity by recognizing individual differences with respect and sensitivity. Dr. Ehlers-Flint, a native of Argentina, finds it meaningful to assist ESL students in navigating higher learning in their non-native language. Moreover, she offers support and guidance to students dealing with life stressors that could impact their ability to meet the demands of doctoral level competencies.

Christy Gliniak, Ph.D., OTR/L, CNT, CPXP

Christy Gliniak, PhD

Christy Gliniak, PhD: Licensed Neonatal Occupational Therapist, 2022 graduate of the program, international (Canada) Faculty.

For Dr. Gliniak, the uniquely constructed curriculum specializing in infant and early childhood development, collaborative care frameworks, and a global perspective was a perfect fit to advance her clinical practice deeply rooted in neonatal care. Fielding’s innovative approach to distributed learning allowed her to pursue her terminal degree despite facing barriers like military duty stations, dependents, rural or international residence, and foreign citizenship. Since graduation, Christy has achieved success in independent and collaborative research, authorship in journal and book publications, invitations to national advocacy groups, and career shifts into leadership, research, and academe — all opportunities she attributes to the IECD credentials.

Adrienne L. Edwards-Bianchi

Adrienne L. Edwards-Bianchi, PhD

Adrienne L. Edwards-Bianchi, PhD: Certified Family Life Educator, Board member of the S.C. IMH Association. Areas of scholarly expertise include qualitative methods, IMH, racial socialization, and parenting.

For Dr. Edwards-Bianchi, the IECD program truly embodies and implements the scholar-practitioner model of Fielding by helping students bridge theory with research and draw linkages between course content and applied experiences. Working in the IECD program allows her to teach and mentor a diverse group of students from around the world. She has opportunities to co-create knowledge with students and guide them in a process of self-discovery while helping them learn how to conduct culturally responsive, doctoral-level research. As a new member of core faculty, Adrienne is excited about collaborating with colleagues to generate translational research for enhancing the well-being of children with developmental disorders and their families.

Jenene W . Craig. PhD

Dr. Jenene Craig

Jenene W . Craig. PhD: Program Director for IECD. Seasoned academic leader, licensed neonatal occupational therapist, one of the first two graduates of the program.

For Dr. Craig, serving as program director is a full-circle moment.  As one of the early students in the program, prior to IECD finding its home at Fielding, she learned and gained insight from both Dr. Greenspan and Dr. Weider and their visions for the program. Although very content in her previous academic leadership role, she feels a debt of gratitude to being invited back to Fielding to lead the program. To her, the students and faculty speak for themselves for the excellent and transformative change that takes place as part of this program.

Recent trends in child development assessment and interventions have positioned IECD as an academic leader, with a focus on diversity, social justice, faculty-student collaboration, and practice approaches within an Infant and Early Childhood and Mental Health (IECMH) framework. This program’s innovative approach sets a precedent in higher education by emphasizing the importance of embracing complexity, fostering synergy, and adopting an interprofessional perspective in scholarship, research and leadership.

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The Early Childhood Studies non-certification program blends theoretical and pedagogical content with practical experience, providing students with multiple opportunities to apply foundational knowledge within a variety of educational environments where young children (infant through age 8) play and learn.

Classes explore early childhood pedagogy and practice, curriculum development and design, research and policy to prepare students to work in a variety of alternative learning environments: daycare settings, after-school and tutoring programs, programs for young children, parents and caregivers in museums, hospitals and community organizations. Multiple fieldwork experiences and an 80-hour internship provide opportunities for students to apply course content in settings that align with students' interests and career goals.

As with all School of Education programs, Early Childhood Studies offers:

• high-quality instruction from dedicated, passionate faculty;
• courses that reflect current research in such areas as play, early childhood development, social and emotional learning, curriculum development, and language and literacy development;
• clinically rich preparation that emphasizes a balanced and interdisciplinary approach to teaching and learning;
• a commitment to preparing caring, critical, and reflective professionals.

Successful completion of the Early Childhood Studies program leads to a Bachelor of Science (BS) degree without recommendation for the issuance of a New York State teacher certificate.

Early Childhood Studies Program:

• 8 Semester Plan

Notice to Persons Who Have Prior Felony Convictions

State University of New York (SUNY) policy prohibits SUNY New Paltz admission applications from inquiring into an applicant’s prior criminal history.  Students who have previously been convicted of a felony are advised that their prior criminal history may impede their ability to complete the requirements of certain academic programs and/or to meet the licensure requirements for certain professions, including the program in Early Childhood and Childhood Education. 

Individuals with prior criminal histories are advised to seek advice and guidance from the chair of the academic department regarding the impact of a criminal record on meeting the requirements of the major/professional licensure or certification prior to declaring the major.

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Early Childhood Education

‌Early Childhood Education is a specifically designed program of study that meets educational requirements for South Carolina licensure in grades PreK-3.

Bachelor of Arts

Contact Info

Eugenia hopper, ph.d..

Associate Professor and Coordinator of Early Childhood Education

Prince Building 119L

843-349-6943

[email protected]

‌Early Childhood Education  is a specifically designed program of study that meets educational requirements for South Carolina licensure in grades PreK-3. Students pursuing this program of study become involved in a broad range of learning experiences. Study in the core areas of English, math, science, and social studies, as well as art, music, and physical education, prepares students for what they will be expected to teach in the public schools. These studies, along with instruction in child growth and development, teaching methodology, curriculum, and relevant off-campus clinical experiences, offer students a program rich in opportunities and professional growth.

The Student Experience:

• Coastal Carolina University offers two student organizations for education majors: The South Carolina Education Association (SCEA) and the national education honor society, Kappa Delta Pi. Learn more about these organizations   here .
• The Spadoni College of Education and Social Sciences is nationally accredited by CAEP (Council for the Accreditation of Educator Preparation) and the South Carolina Board of Education.
• Students who earn a degree from Coastal Carolina University and who are granted licensure by the state of South Carolina are eligible for reciprocal licensure* in every other state.
• The Early Childhood Education program includes extensive clinical experiences in area schools, beginning in the first semester of study in education and continuing through the internship experience at the end of the program. Clinical fieldwork begins with a focus on guided observation experiences, followed by expectations for individual, small group, and whole-class instruction.

*Does not mean full reciprocal. Graduates are responsible for contacting their respective state department of education to determine licensure eligibility. We can only guarantee licensure in South Carolina. 

Related Links

• EDEC Links   - helpful and informative Early Childhood Education resources
• Early Childhood Education 4-Year Plan 2023-24   - 4-year academic plan for the Early Childhood Education degree
• Early Childhood Education Brochure   - Informational brochure about the Early Childhood Education program
• Project BICYCLES   - Deborah L. Rooks-Ellis, Ph.D., an associate professor of early childhood education, and Rhonda Miller, Ph.D., an associate professor of special education, received a five-year grant, totaling nearly $1.25 million, for a teacher preparation project titled “Project Build Interdisciplinary Capacity to Yield Culturally-responsive Leaders in Early childhood-Special education (BICYCLES).”

Admission to the Program

All students enter the program as pre-majors. Candidates may complete a formal application for admission to the professional program in teacher education (PPTE) when they have completed at least 60 hours of college-level coursework and have met the following requirements:

• Earn at least a 2.75 cumulative GPA;
• Earn a "C" or better in ENGL 101, ENGL 102,  EDUC 111, EDUC 204, EDEC 276, MATH 201 and 202, HIST 201 or POLI 201, HIST 205, foreign language and eight hours of sciences;
• Pass all three areas of Praxis Core or meet the exemption policy;
• Successfully clear a criminal background composite disciplinary action disclosure statement;
• Complete a Professional Reference;
• Be missing no more than four core courses outside of the professional program.

(Candidates are reviewed for acceptance into the Professional Program in Teacher Education by the Portal I Faculty Committee.)

Areas of Study

Early Childhood Education majors take courses such as Child Development: The Young Child, Integrated Math/Science/Social Studies I, Early Childhood Programs and Curriculum, Strategies for Teaching and Learning with Literature, and Guiding Young Children's Behavior and Classroom Management.

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Our partner, TeachSC, is a program that provides free support to anyone who’s thinking about becoming a teacher. When you sign up, you get perks like 1-on-1 coaching, up to $100 back in fee reimbursements towards expenses related to applying to our programs (including testing and fingerprints), and a chance to win a regional $1,000 scholarship!

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Early Childhood Education Resource Hub

The Early Childhood Education (ECE) Resource Hub is a collection of high-quality, professional development resources that help educators foster young children’s development (birth to five). Created by UVA-CASTL in collaboration with the Virginia Department of Education, the hub aims to provide educators with evidence-based classroom strategies and promote equitable learning opportunities for every child. Hub resources are free to use and are publicly available.

Developed through funding and partnership with the Virginia Department of Education, the ECE (Early Childhood Education) Resource Hub offers free, high-quality educational resources for those caring for children from birth to five.

The ECE Resource Hub is a trusted place where educators can deepen their understanding of children’s development, find new ways to engage children and families, and get support for effective professional development sessions. The initiative is led by a team of ECE educators, coaches, researchers, and experts at CASTL who select and create the materials. 

The Hub was launched during the COVID-19 pandemic with a primary focus on supporting children’s social-emotional skills. Its focus is expanding into other areas of early learning like inquiry, imagination, math, language and literacy, motor skills, and more. Resources are organized around five Core Skills that children are working to develop: 

• Communicate

Educators can find overview guides, classroom videos, strategies, and book recommendations to support the development of these skills.

In addition to a focus on young children’s developing skills, the ECE Hub also supports equity, inclusion, and family engagement. Visitors to the site can access resources such as articles, podcasts, and age-specific guides for considering equity and supporting families with respect to each of the Core Skills.

The initiative serves those in the ECE field in Virginia and beyond. Updates can be accessed by subscribing to the newsletter . 

Visit the Full ECE Resource Hub

"Our partnership with VDOE is focused on applying the science of early childhood education to practice and policy at scale in Virginia… The ECE Resource Hub was designed with our strong commitment to both scholarship and service." –Amanda Williford 

New Free Resource Hub Provides Comprehensive Tools for Early Childhood Educators

The new website gives educators access to resources they can use to help children develop the important skills they need to thrive.

Project Leaders

Kate Matthew

• Senior Project Manager
• STREAMin3 Project Director

Kathy Neesen

• Research Scientist
• Instructional Technology Director

Amanda P. Williford

• Batten Bicentennial Professor of Early Childhood Education Associate Director for Early Childhood Education
• CASTL Clinical Psychologist

Related Projects

Advancing effective interactions & instruction in birth-to-five classrooms.

The Advancing Effective Interactions and Instruction (AEII) initiative supports teachers in birth-to-five classrooms to provide children with high-quality preschool experiences through individualized coaching and professional development (PD).

STREAMin³ Curriculum Model

STREAMin³ is a comprehensive curriculum model for birth to five that seamlessly blends a focus on academic and social-emotional learning. For more details about the initiative, visit the STREAMin³ website.

Virginia Kindergarten Readiness Program

VKRP measures mathematics, self-regulation, and social skills to complement Virginia's statewide assessment of literacy skills using  Phonological Awareness Literacy Screening (PALS) .