link between homework and mental health

Is it time to get rid of homework? Mental health experts weigh in.

It's no secret that kids hate homework. And as students grapple with an ongoing pandemic that has had a wide range of mental health impacts, is it time schools start listening to their pleas about workloads?

Some teachers are turning to social media to take a stand against homework. 

Tiktok user @misguided.teacher says he doesn't assign it because the "whole premise of homework is flawed."

For starters, he says, he can't grade work on "even playing fields" when students' home environments can be vastly different.

"Even students who go home to a peaceful house, do they really want to spend their time on busy work? Because typically that's what a lot of homework is, it's busy work," he says in the video that has garnered 1.6 million likes. "You only get one year to be 7, you only got one year to be 10, you only get one year to be 16, 18."

Mental health experts agree heavy workloads have the potential do more harm than good for students, especially when taking into account the impacts of the pandemic. But they also say the answer may not be to eliminate homework altogether.

Emmy Kang, mental health counselor at Humantold , says studies have shown heavy workloads can be "detrimental" for students and cause a "big impact on their mental, physical and emotional health."

"More than half of students say that homework is their primary source of stress, and we know what stress can do on our bodies," she says, adding that staying up late to finish assignments also leads to disrupted sleep and exhaustion.

Cynthia Catchings, a licensed clinical social worker and therapist at Talkspace , says heavy workloads can also cause serious mental health problems in the long run, like anxiety and depression. 

And for all the distress homework  can cause, it's not as useful as many may think, says Dr. Nicholas Kardaras, a psychologist and CEO of Omega Recovery treatment center.

"The research shows that there's really limited benefit of homework for elementary age students, that really the school work should be contained in the classroom," he says.

For older students, Kang says, homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night. 

"Most students, especially at these high achieving schools, they're doing a minimum of three hours, and it's taking away time from their friends, from their families, their extracurricular activities. And these are all very important things for a person's mental and emotional health."

Catchings, who also taught third to 12th graders for 12 years, says she's seen the positive effects of a no-homework policy while working with students abroad.

"Not having homework was something that I always admired from the French students (and) the French schools, because that was helping the students to really have the time off and really disconnect from school," she says.

The answer may not be to eliminate homework completely but to be more mindful of the type of work students take home, suggests Kang, who was a high school teacher for 10 years.

"I don't think (we) should scrap homework; I think we should scrap meaningless, purposeless busy work-type homework. That's something that needs to be scrapped entirely," she says, encouraging teachers to be thoughtful and consider the amount of time it would take for students to complete assignments.

The pandemic made the conversation around homework more crucial 

Mindfulness surrounding homework is especially important in the context of the past two years. Many students will be struggling with mental health issues that were brought on or worsened by the pandemic , making heavy workloads even harder to balance.

"COVID was just a disaster in terms of the lack of structure. Everything just deteriorated," Kardaras says, pointing to an increase in cognitive issues and decrease in attention spans among students. "School acts as an anchor for a lot of children, as a stabilizing force, and that disappeared."

But even if students transition back to the structure of in-person classes, Kardaras suspects students may still struggle after two school years of shifted schedules and disrupted sleeping habits.

"We've seen adults struggling to go back to in-person work environments from remote work environments. That effect is amplified with children because children have less resources to be able to cope with those transitions than adults do," he explains.

'Get organized' ahead of back-to-school

In order to make the transition back to in-person school easier, Kang encourages students to "get good sleep, exercise regularly (and) eat a healthy diet."

To help manage workloads, she suggests students "get organized."

"There's so much mental clutter up there when you're disorganized. ... Sitting down and planning out their study schedules can really help manage their time," she says.

Breaking up assignments can also make things easier to tackle.

"I know that heavy workloads can be stressful, but if you sit down and you break down that studying into smaller chunks, they're much more manageable."

If workloads are still too much, Kang encourages students to advocate for themselves.

"They should tell their teachers when a homework assignment just took too much time or if it was too difficult for them to do on their own," she says. "It's good to speak up and ask those questions. Respectfully, of course, because these are your teachers. But still, I think sometimes teachers themselves need this feedback from their students."

More: Some teachers let their students sleep in class. Here's what mental health experts say.

More: Some parents are slipping young kids in for the COVID-19 vaccine, but doctors discourage the move as 'risky'

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August 16, 2021

Is it time to get rid of homework? Mental health experts weigh in

by Sara M Moniuszko

It's no secret that kids hate homework. And as students grapple with an ongoing pandemic that has had a wide-range of mental health impacts, is it time schools start listening to their pleas over workloads?

Some teachers are turning to social media to take a stand against homework .

Tiktok user @misguided.teacher says he doesn't assign it because the "whole premise of homework is flawed."

For starters, he says he can't grade work on "even playing fields" when students' home environments can be vastly different.

"Even students who go home to a peaceful house, do they really want to spend their time on busy work? Because typically that's what a lot of homework is, it's busy work," he says in the video that has garnered 1.6 million likes. "You only get one year to be 7, you only got one year to be 10, you only get one year to be 16, 18."

Mental health experts agree heavy work loads have the potential do more harm than good for students, especially when taking into account the impacts of the pandemic. But they also say the answer may not be to eliminate homework altogether.

Emmy Kang, mental health counselor at Humantold, says studies have shown heavy workloads can be "detrimental" for students and cause a "big impact on their mental, physical and emotional health."

"More than half of students say that homework is their primary source of stress, and we know what stress can do on our bodies," she says, adding that staying up late to finish assignments also leads to disrupted sleep and exhaustion.

Cynthia Catchings, a licensed clinical social worker and therapist at Talkspace, says heavy workloads can also cause serious mental health problems in the long run, like anxiety and depression.

And for all the distress homework causes, it's not as useful as many may think, says Dr. Nicholas Kardaras, a psychologist and CEO of Omega Recovery treatment center.

"The research shows that there's really limited benefit of homework for elementary age students, that really the school work should be contained in the classroom," he says.

For older students, Kang says homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night.

"Most students, especially at these high-achieving schools, they're doing a minimum of three hours, and it's taking away time from their friends from their families, their extracurricular activities. And these are all very important things for a person's mental and emotional health."

Catchings, who also taught third to 12th graders for 12 years, says she's seen the positive effects of a no homework policy while working with students abroad.

"Not having homework was something that I always admired from the French students (and) the French schools, because that was helping the students to really have the time off and really disconnect from school ," she says.

The answer may not be to eliminate homework completely, but to be more mindful of the type of work students go home with, suggests Kang, who was a high-school teacher for 10 years.

"I don't think (we) should scrap homework, I think we should scrap meaningless, purposeless busy work-type homework. That's something that needs to be scrapped entirely," she says, encouraging teachers to be thoughtful and consider the amount of time it would take for students to complete assignments.

The pandemic made the conversation around homework more crucial

Mindfulness surrounding homework is especially important in the context of the last two years. Many students will be struggling with mental health issues that were brought on or worsened by the pandemic, making heavy workloads even harder to balance.

"COVID was just a disaster in terms of the lack of structure. Everything just deteriorated," Kardaras says, pointing to an increase in cognitive issues and decrease in attention spans among students. "School acts as an anchor for a lot of children, as a stabilizing force, and that disappeared."

But even if students transition back to the structure of in-person classes, Kardaras suspects students may still struggle after two school years of shifted schedules and disrupted sleeping habits.

"We've seen adults struggling to go back to in-person work environments from remote work environments. That effect is amplified with children because children have less resources to be able to cope with those transitions than adults do," he explains.

'Get organized' ahead of back-to-school

In order to make the transition back to in-person school easier, Kang encourages students to "get good sleep, exercise regularly (and) eat a healthy diet."

To help manage workloads, she suggests students "get organized."

"There's so much mental clutter up there when you're disorganized... sitting down and planning out their study schedules can really help manage their time," she says.

Breaking assignments up can also make things easier to tackle.

"I know that heavy workloads can be stressful, but if you sit down and you break down that studying into smaller chunks, they're much more manageable."

If workloads are still too much, Kang encourages students to advocate for themselves.

"They should tell their teachers when a homework assignment just took too much time or if it was too difficult for them to do on their own," she says. "It's good to speak up and ask those questions. Respectfully, of course, because these are your teachers. But still, I think sometimes teachers themselves need this feedback from their students."

©2021 USA Today Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

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More than two hours of homework may be counterproductive, research suggests.

A Stanford education researcher found that too much homework can negatively affect kids, especially their lives away from school, where family, friends and activities matter.   "Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good," wrote Denise Pope , a senior lecturer at the Stanford Graduate School of Education and a co-author of a study published in the Journal of Experimental Education .   The researchers used survey data to examine perceptions about homework, student well-being and behavioral engagement in a sample of 4,317 students from 10 high-performing high schools in upper-middle-class California communities. Along with the survey data, Pope and her colleagues used open-ended answers to explore the students' views on homework.   Median household income exceeded $90,000 in these communities, and 93 percent of the students went on to college, either two-year or four-year.   Students in these schools average about 3.1 hours of homework each night.   "The findings address how current homework practices in privileged, high-performing schools sustain students' advantage in competitive climates yet hinder learning, full engagement and well-being," Pope wrote.   Pope and her colleagues found that too much homework can diminish its effectiveness and even be counterproductive. They cite prior research indicating that homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night, and that 90 minutes to two and a half hours is optimal for high school.   Their study found that too much homework is associated with:   • Greater stress : 56 percent of the students considered homework a primary source of stress, according to the survey data. Forty-three percent viewed tests as a primary stressor, while 33 percent put the pressure to get good grades in that category. Less than 1 percent of the students said homework was not a stressor.   • Reductions in health : In their open-ended answers, many students said their homework load led to sleep deprivation and other health problems. The researchers asked students whether they experienced health issues such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss and stomach problems.   • Less time for friends, family and extracurricular pursuits : Both the survey data and student responses indicate that spending too much time on homework meant that students were "not meeting their developmental needs or cultivating other critical life skills," according to the researchers. Students were more likely to drop activities, not see friends or family, and not pursue hobbies they enjoy.   A balancing act   The results offer empirical evidence that many students struggle to find balance between homework, extracurricular activities and social time, the researchers said. Many students felt forced or obligated to choose homework over developing other talents or skills.   Also, there was no relationship between the time spent on homework and how much the student enjoyed it. The research quoted students as saying they often do homework they see as "pointless" or "mindless" in order to keep their grades up.   "This kind of busy work, by its very nature, discourages learning and instead promotes doing homework simply to get points," said Pope, who is also a co-founder of Challenge Success , a nonprofit organization affiliated with the GSE that conducts research and works with schools and parents to improve students' educational experiences..   Pope said the research calls into question the value of assigning large amounts of homework in high-performing schools. Homework should not be simply assigned as a routine practice, she said.   "Rather, any homework assigned should have a purpose and benefit, and it should be designed to cultivate learning and development," wrote Pope.   High-performing paradox   In places where students attend high-performing schools, too much homework can reduce their time to foster skills in the area of personal responsibility, the researchers concluded. "Young people are spending more time alone," they wrote, "which means less time for family and fewer opportunities to engage in their communities."   Student perspectives   The researchers say that while their open-ended or "self-reporting" methodology to gauge student concerns about homework may have limitations – some might regard it as an opportunity for "typical adolescent complaining" – it was important to learn firsthand what the students believe.   The paper was co-authored by Mollie Galloway from Lewis and Clark College and Jerusha Conner from Villanova University.

Clifton B. Parker is a writer at the Stanford News Service .

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Is homework a necessary evil?

After decades of debate, researchers are still sorting out the truth about homework’s pros and cons. One point they can agree on: Quality assignments matter.

By Kirsten Weir

March 2016, Vol 47, No. 3

Print version: page 36

• Schools and Classrooms

Homework battles have raged for decades. For as long as kids have been whining about doing their homework, parents and education reformers have complained that homework's benefits are dubious. Meanwhile many teachers argue that take-home lessons are key to helping students learn. Now, as schools are shifting to the new (and hotly debated) Common Core curriculum standards, educators, administrators and researchers are turning a fresh eye toward the question of homework's value.

But when it comes to deciphering the research literature on the subject, homework is anything but an open book.

The 10-minute rule

In many ways, homework seems like common sense. Spend more time practicing multiplication or studying Spanish vocabulary and you should get better at math or Spanish. But it may not be that simple.

Homework can indeed produce academic benefits, such as increased understanding and retention of the material, says Duke University social psychologist Harris Cooper, PhD, one of the nation's leading homework researchers. But not all students benefit. In a review of studies published from 1987 to 2003, Cooper and his colleagues found that homework was linked to better test scores in high school and, to a lesser degree, in middle school. Yet they found only faint evidence that homework provided academic benefit in elementary school ( Review of Educational Research , 2006).

Then again, test scores aren't everything. Homework proponents also cite the nonacademic advantages it might confer, such as the development of personal responsibility, good study habits and time-management skills. But as to hard evidence of those benefits, "the jury is still out," says Mollie Galloway, PhD, associate professor of educational leadership at Lewis & Clark College in Portland, Oregon. "I think there's a focus on assigning homework because [teachers] think it has these positive outcomes for study skills and habits. But we don't know for sure that's the case."

Even when homework is helpful, there can be too much of a good thing. "There is a limit to how much kids can benefit from home study," Cooper says. He agrees with an oft-cited rule of thumb that students should do no more than 10 minutes a night per grade level — from about 10 minutes in first grade up to a maximum of about two hours in high school. Both the National Education Association and National Parent Teacher Association support that limit.

Beyond that point, kids don't absorb much useful information, Cooper says. In fact, too much homework can do more harm than good. Researchers have cited drawbacks, including boredom and burnout toward academic material, less time for family and extracurricular activities, lack of sleep and increased stress.

In a recent study of Spanish students, Rubén Fernández-Alonso, PhD, and colleagues found that students who were regularly assigned math and science homework scored higher on standardized tests. But when kids reported having more than 90 to 100 minutes of homework per day, scores declined ( Journal of Educational Psychology , 2015).

"At all grade levels, doing other things after school can have positive effects," Cooper says. "To the extent that homework denies access to other leisure and community activities, it's not serving the child's best interest."

Children of all ages need down time in order to thrive, says Denise Pope, PhD, a professor of education at Stanford University and a co-founder of Challenge Success, a program that partners with secondary schools to implement policies that improve students' academic engagement and well-being.

"Little kids and big kids need unstructured time for play each day," she says. Certainly, time for physical activity is important for kids' health and well-being. But even time spent on social media can help give busy kids' brains a break, she says.

All over the map

But are teachers sticking to the 10-minute rule? Studies attempting to quantify time spent on homework are all over the map, in part because of wide variations in methodology, Pope says.

A 2014 report by the Brookings Institution examined the question of homework, comparing data from a variety of sources. That report cited findings from a 2012 survey of first-year college students in which 38.4 percent reported spending six hours or more per week on homework during their last year of high school. That was down from 49.5 percent in 1986 ( The Brown Center Report on American Education , 2014).

The Brookings report also explored survey data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress, which asked 9-, 13- and 17-year-old students how much homework they'd done the previous night. They found that between 1984 and 2012, there was a slight increase in homework for 9-year-olds, but homework amounts for 13- and 17-year-olds stayed roughly the same, or even decreased slightly.

Yet other evidence suggests that some kids might be taking home much more work than they can handle. Robert Pressman, PhD, and colleagues recently investigated the 10-minute rule among more than 1,100 students, and found that elementary-school kids were receiving up to three times as much homework as recommended. As homework load increased, so did family stress, the researchers found ( American Journal of Family Therapy , 2015).

Many high school students also seem to be exceeding the recommended amounts of homework. Pope and Galloway recently surveyed more than 4,300 students from 10 high-achieving high schools. Students reported bringing home an average of just over three hours of homework nightly ( Journal of Experiential Education , 2013).

On the positive side, students who spent more time on homework in that study did report being more behaviorally engaged in school — for instance, giving more effort and paying more attention in class, Galloway says. But they were not more invested in the homework itself. They also reported greater academic stress and less time to balance family, friends and extracurricular activities. They experienced more physical health problems as well, such as headaches, stomach troubles and sleep deprivation. "Three hours per night is too much," Galloway says.

In the high-achieving schools Pope and Galloway studied, more than 90 percent of the students go on to college. There's often intense pressure to succeed academically, from both parents and peers. On top of that, kids in these communities are often overloaded with extracurricular activities, including sports and clubs. "They're very busy," Pope says. "Some kids have up to 40 hours a week — a full-time job's worth — of extracurricular activities." And homework is yet one more commitment on top of all the others.

"Homework has perennially acted as a source of stress for students, so that piece of it is not new," Galloway says. "But especially in upper-middle-class communities, where the focus is on getting ahead, I think the pressure on students has been ratcheted up."

Yet homework can be a problem at the other end of the socioeconomic spectrum as well. Kids from wealthier homes are more likely to have resources such as computers, Internet connections, dedicated areas to do schoolwork and parents who tend to be more educated and more available to help them with tricky assignments. Kids from disadvantaged homes are more likely to work at afterschool jobs, or to be home without supervision in the evenings while their parents work multiple jobs, says Lea Theodore, PhD, a professor of school psychology at the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia. They are less likely to have computers or a quiet place to do homework in peace.

"Homework can highlight those inequities," she says.

Quantity vs. quality

One point researchers agree on is that for all students, homework quality matters. But too many kids are feeling a lack of engagement with their take-home assignments, many experts say. In Pope and Galloway's research, only 20 percent to 30 percent of students said they felt their homework was useful or meaningful.

"Students are assigned a lot of busywork. They're naming it as a primary stressor, but they don't feel it's supporting their learning," Galloway says.

"Homework that's busywork is not good for anyone," Cooper agrees. Still, he says, different subjects call for different kinds of assignments. "Things like vocabulary and spelling are learned through practice. Other kinds of courses require more integration of material and drawing on different skills."

But critics say those skills can be developed with many fewer hours of homework each week. Why assign 50 math problems, Pope asks, when 10 would be just as constructive? One Advanced Placement biology teacher she worked with through Challenge Success experimented with cutting his homework assignments by a third, and then by half. "Test scores didn't go down," she says. "You can have a rigorous course and not have a crazy homework load."

Still, changing the culture of homework won't be easy. Teachers-to-be get little instruction in homework during their training, Pope says. And despite some vocal parents arguing that kids bring home too much homework, many others get nervous if they think their child doesn't have enough. "Teachers feel pressured to give homework because parents expect it to come home," says Galloway. "When it doesn't, there's this idea that the school might not be doing its job."

Galloway argues teachers and school administrators need to set clear goals when it comes to homework — and parents and students should be in on the discussion, too. "It should be a broader conversation within the community, asking what's the purpose of homework? Why are we giving it? Who is it serving? Who is it not serving?"

Until schools and communities agree to take a hard look at those questions, those backpacks full of take-home assignments will probably keep stirring up more feelings than facts.

Further reading

• Cooper, H., Robinson, J. C., & Patall, E. A. (2006). Does homework improve academic achievement? A synthesis of research, 1987-2003. Review of Educational Research, 76 (1), 1–62. doi: 10.3102/00346543076001001
• Galloway, M., Connor, J., & Pope, D. (2013). Nonacademic effects of homework in privileged, high-performing high schools. The Journal of Experimental Education, 81 (4), 490–510. doi: 10.1080/00220973.2012.745469
• Pope, D., Brown, M., & Miles, S. (2015). Overloaded and underprepared: Strategies for stronger schools and healthy, successful kids . San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Letters to the Editor

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Homework and Mental Health: Striking the Right Balance

In today’s fast-paced and competitive education landscape, students are often faced with overwhelming academic expectations that can significantly impact their mental health. The pressure to excel academically, coupled with the demands of homework, can lead to excessive stress, anxiety, and burnout. It is crucial to find the right balance between academic responsibilities and mental well-being to ensure that students thrive both academically and emotionally.

In this comprehensive guide, we will delve into the research surrounding homework and its effects on students’ stress levels and mental health. We will explore the link between homework and stress, examine the impact of excessive homework on students’ well-being, and, for those seeking relief, offer practical strategies to manage homework effectively or find support to do my homework for me . These insights are intended to help students, parents, and educators strike a balance that promotes both academic success and mental well-being.

The Link Between Homework and Stress

Numerous studies have investigated the relationship between homework and stress levels in students. One notable study conducted by Stanford lecturer Denise Pope found that students who reported spending more than two hours per night on homework experienced higher stress levels and physical health issues. This research highlighted the potential negative effects of excessive homework on students’ well-being.

Another study published in the Sleep Health Journal found that long hours of homework may be a risk factor for depression. This research suggests that reducing homework workload outside of class may benefit sleep quality and mental fitness. Additionally, a study presented by Frontiers in Psychology emphasized the significant health implications for high school students facing chronic stress, including emotional exhaustion and substance use.

These studies collectively indicate that excessive homework can contribute to increased stress levels among students, potentially leading to a range of negative psychological and physiological effects. It is crucial for educators and parents to be mindful of the workload they assign to students and prioritize their well-being.

The Impact of Homework on Mental Health and Well-being

Excessive homework can have far-reaching effects on students’ mental health and well-being. Understanding these effects is essential for developing strategies to mitigate the potential negative consequences. Let’s examine the psychological and physical effects of homework-induced stress on students:

Psychological Effects of Homework-Induced Stress

• Anxiety: The pressure to perform academically and meet homework expectations can lead to heightened levels of anxiety in students. Constant worry about completing assignments on time and achieving high grades can be overwhelming.
• Sleep Disturbances: Homework-related stress can disrupt students’ sleep patterns, leading to sleep anxiety or sleep deprivation. Lack of quality sleep negatively impacts cognitive function and emotional regulation.
• Reduced Motivation: Excessive homework demands can drain students’ motivation, causing them to feel fatigued and disengaged from their studies. Reduced motivation may lead to a lack of interest in learning, hindering overall academic performance.

Physical Effects of Homework-Induced Stress

• Impaired Immune Function: Prolonged stress from overwhelming homework loads can weaken the immune system, making students more susceptible to illnesses and infections.
• Disrupted Hormonal Balance: Chronic stress triggers the release of hormones like cortisol, which can disrupt the delicate hormonal balance and lead to various health issues.
• Gastrointestinal Disturbances: Stress affects the gastrointestinal system, resulting in symptoms such as stomachaches, nausea, and other digestive problems.
• Cardiovascular Impact: The increased heart rate and elevated blood pressure associated with stress can strain the cardiovascular system, potentially increasing the risk of heart-related issues in the long run.
• Brain Impact: Prolonged exposure to stress hormones may impact the brain’s functioning, affecting memory, concentration, and cognitive abilities.

It is evident that excessive homework can have detrimental effects on students’ mental and physical well-being. Balancing academic responsibilities with self-care and mental health is crucial for fostering a healthy and productive learning environment.

The Benefits of Homework

While the potential negative effects of excessive homework cannot be ignored, it is essential to recognize that homework also offers several benefits that contribute to students’ academic growth and development. Some of these benefits include:

• Development of Time Management Skills: Completing homework within specified deadlines encourages students to manage their time efficiently. This skill extends beyond academics and becomes essential in various aspects of life.
• Preparation for Future Challenges: Homework helps prepare students for future academic challenges and responsibilities. It fosters a sense of discipline and responsibility, qualities crucial for success in higher education and professional life.
• Enhanced Problem-Solving Abilities: Homework often presents students with challenging problems to solve. Tackling these problems independently nurtures critical thinking and problem-solving skills.

While acknowledging these benefits, it is crucial to strike a balance between assigning meaningful homework and ensuring students’ overall well-being.

Striking the Right Balance: Strategies for Students, Parents, and Educators

Finding a balance between academic responsibilities and mental well-being is crucial for students’ overall success and happiness. Here are some practical strategies that students, parents, and educators can implement to strike the right balance:

For Students:

Effective Time Management: Create a structured study schedule that allocates sufficient time for homework, breaks, and other activities. Prioritize tasks and set realistic goals to prevent last-minute rushes and reduce feelings of overwhelm.

Break Tasks into Smaller Chunks: Large assignments can be daunting and contribute to stress. Break them into smaller, manageable parts. This approach makes the workload seem less intimidating and provides a sense of accomplishment as each section is completed.

Designate a Distraction-Free Zone: Establish a designated study area that is free from distractions like smartphones, television, or social media. This setting improves focus and productivity, reducing the time needed to complete homework.

Engage in Physical Activity: Regular exercise is known to reduce stress and enhance mood. Incorporate physical activity into your daily routine, whether it’s going for a walk, playing a sport, or practicing yoga.

Practice Relaxation Techniques: Engage in mindfulness practices such as deep breathing exercises or meditation to alleviate stress and improve concentration. Taking short breaks to relax and clear the mind enhances overall well-being and cognitive performance.

Seek Support: Reach out to teachers, parents, or school counselors when feeling overwhelmed or in need of assistance. Establish an open and supportive environment where you feel comfortable expressing concerns and seeking help.

For Parents:

Foster Open Communication: Create an environment where your child feels comfortable discussing their academic challenges and stressors. Encourage open communication about workload and provide support and guidance when needed.

Set Realistic Expectations: Recognize that each child is unique and has different capacities for handling academic pressures. Set realistic expectations for homework completion, considering their individual needs and responsibilities.

Encourage Healthy Habits: Promote a balanced lifestyle that includes sufficient sleep, physical activity, and relaxation. Encourage breaks and downtime to prevent burnout.

Collaborate with Educators: Maintain open lines of communication with teachers to stay informed about the workload and address any concerns regarding excessive homework. Advocate for a balanced approach to homework.

For Educators:

Assign Purposeful Homework: Ensure that homework assignments are purposeful, relevant, and targeted towards specific learning objectives. Emphasize quality over quantity and avoid assigning excessive workloads.

Provide Clear Instructions: Clearly communicate assignment expectations and deadlines to students. This clarity helps students plan their time effectively and reduces stress related to uncertainty.

Offer Support and Resources: Provide students with resources and support systems, such as study guides, online materials, or access to tutoring, to help them navigate their homework effectively.

Encourage Self-Care: Educate students about the importance of self-care and stress management. Incorporate discussions and activities related to mental health and well-being into the curriculum.

By implementing these strategies, students, parents, and educators can work collaboratively to strike a balance between academic responsibilities and mental well-being, fostering a positive learning environment that promotes both academic success and emotional well-being.

Finding the right balance between homework and mental health is crucial for students’ overall well-being and academic success. Excessive homework can lead to increased stress levels, negatively impacting students’ mental and physical health. By understanding the potential effects of homework-induced stress, implementing practical strategies, and fostering open communication between students, parents, and educators, we can create a supportive learning environment that prioritizes both academic growth and mental well-being. Let’s work together to ensure that students thrive academically and emotionally.

Related Posts

Homework Struggles May Not Be a Behavior Problem

Exploring some options to understand and help..

Posted August 2, 2022 | Reviewed by Abigail Fagan

• What Is Anxiety?
• Take our Generalized Anxiety Disorder Test
• Find a therapist to overcome anxiety
• Mental health challenges and neurodevelopmental differences directly affect children's ability to do homework.
• Understanding what difficulties are getting in the way—beyond the usual explanation of a behavior problem—is key.
• Sleep and mental health needs can take priority over homework completion.

Chelsea was in 10th grade the first time I told her directly to stop doing her homework and get some sleep. I had been working with her since she was in middle school, treating her anxiety disorder. She deeply feared disappointing anyone—especially her teachers—and spent hours trying to finish homework perfectly. The more tired and anxious she got, the harder it got for her to finish the assignments.

One night Chelsea called me in despair, feeling hopeless. She was exhausted and couldn’t think straight. She felt like a failure and that she was a burden to everyone because she couldn’t finish her homework.

She was shocked when I told her that my prescription for her was to go to sleep now—not to figure out how to finish her work. I told her to leave her homework incomplete and go to sleep. We briefly discussed how we would figure it out the next day, with her mom and her teachers. At that moment, it clicked for her that it was futile to keep working—because nothing was getting done.

This was an inflection point for her awareness of when she was emotionally over-cooked and when she needed to stop and take a break or get some sleep. We repeated versions of this phone call several times over the course of her high school and college years, but she got much better at being able to do this for herself most of the time.

When Mental Health Symptoms Interfere with Homework

Kids with mental health or neurodevelopmental challenges often struggle mightily with homework. Challenges can come up in every step of the homework process, including, but not limited to:

• Remembering and tracking assignments and materials
• Getting the mental energy/organization to start homework
• Filtering distractions enough to persist with assignments
• Understanding unspoken or implied parts of the homework
• Remembering to bring finished homework to class
• Being in class long enough to know the material
• Tolerating the fear of not knowing or failing
• Not giving up the assignment because of a panic attack
• Tolerating frustration—such as not understanding—without emotional dysregulation
• Being able to ask for help—from a peer or a teacher and not being afraid to reach out

This list is hardly comprehensive. ADHD , autism spectrum disorder, social anxiety , generalized anxiety, panic disorder, depression , dysregulation, and a range of other neurodevelopmental and mental health challenges cause numerous learning differences and symptoms that can specifically and frequently interfere with getting homework done.

The Usual Diagnosis for Homework Problems is "Not Trying Hard Enough"

Unfortunately, when kids frequently struggle to meet homework demands, teachers and parents typically default to one explanation of the problem: The child is making a choice not to do their homework. That is the default “diagnosis” in classrooms and living rooms. And once this framework is drawn, the student is often seen as not trying hard enough, disrespectful, manipulative, or just plain lazy.

The fundamental disconnect here is that the diagnosis of homework struggles as a behavioral choice is, in fact, only one explanation, while there are so many other diagnoses and differences that impair children's ability to consistently do their homework. If we are trying to create solutions based on only one understanding of the problem, the solutions will not work. More devastatingly, the wrong solutions can worsen the child’s mental health and their long-term engagement with school and learning.

To be clear, we aren’t talking about children who sometimes struggle with or skip homework—kids who can change and adapt their behaviors and patterns in response to the outcomes of that struggle. For this discussion, we are talking about children with mental health and/or neurodevelopmental symptoms and challenges that create chronic difficulties with meeting homework demands.

How Can You Help a Child Who Struggles with Homework?

How can you help your child who is struggling to meet homework demands because of their ADHD, depression, anxiety, OCD , school avoidance, or any other neurodevelopmental or mental health differences? Let’s break this down into two broad areas—things you can do at home, and things you can do in communication with the school.

Helping at Home

The following suggestions for managing school demands at home can feel counterintuitive to parents—because we usually focus on helping our kids to complete their tasks. But mental health needs jump the line ahead of task completion. And starting at home will be key to developing an idea of what needs to change at school.

• Set an end time in the evening after which no more homework will be attempted. Kids need time to decompress and they need sleep—and pushing homework too close to or past bedtime doesn’t serve their educational needs. Even if your child hasn’t been able to approach the homework at all, even if they have avoided and argued the whole evening, it is still important for everyone to have a predictable time to shut down the whole process.
• If there are arguments almost every night about homework, if your child isn’t starting homework or finishing it, reframe it from failure into information. It’s data to put into problem-solving. We need to consider other possible explanations besides “behavioral choice” when trying to understand the problem and create effective solutions. What problems are getting in the way of our child’s meeting homework demands that their peers are meeting most of the time?
• Try not to argue about homework. If you can check your own anxiety and frustration, it can be more productive to ally with your child and be curious with them. Kids usually can’t tell you a clear “why” but maybe they can tell you how they are feeling and what they are thinking. And if your child can’t talk about it or just keeps saying “I don't know,” try not to push. Come back another time. Rushing, forcing, yelling, and threatening will predictably not help kids do homework.

Helping at School

The second area to explore when your neurodiverse child struggles frequently with homework is building communication and connections with school and teachers. Some places to focus on include the following.

• Label your child’s diagnoses and break down specific symptoms for the teachers and school team. Nonjudgmental, but specific language is essential for teachers to understand your child’s struggles. Breaking their challenges down into the problems specific to homework can help with building solutions. As your child gets older, help them identify their difficulties and communicate them to teachers.
• Let teachers and the school team know that your child’s mental health needs—including sleep—take priority over finishing homework. If your child is always struggling to complete homework and get enough sleep, or if completing homework is leading to emotional meltdowns every night, adjusting their homework demands will be more successful than continuing to push them into sleep deprivation or meltdowns.
• Request a child study team evaluation to determine if your child qualifies for services under special education law such as an IEP, or accommodations through section 504—and be sure that homework adjustments are included in any plan. Or if such a plan is already in place, be clear that modification of homework expectations needs to be part of it.

The Long-Term Story

I still work with Chelsea and she recently mentioned how those conversations so many years ago are still part of how she approaches work tasks or other demands that are spiking her anxiety when she finds herself in a vortex of distress. She stops what she is doing and prioritizes reducing her anxiety—whether it’s a break during her day or an ending to the task for the evening. She sees that this is crucial to managing her anxiety in her life and still succeeding at what she is doing.

Task completion at all costs is not a solution for kids with emotional needs. Her story (and the story of many of my patients) make this crystal clear.

Candida Fink, M.D. , is board certified in child/adolescent and general psychiatry. She practices in New York and has co-authored two books— The Ups and Downs of Raising a Bipolar Child and Bipolar Disorder for Dummies.

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Homework as a Mental Health Concern It's time for an in depth discussion about homework as a major concern for those pursuing mental health in schools. So many problems between kids and their families, the home and school, and students and teachers arise from conflicts over homework. The topic is a long standing concern for mental health practitioners, especially those who work in schools. Over the years, we have tried to emphasize the idea that schools need to ensure that homework is designed as "motivated practice," and parents need to avoid turning homework into a battleground. These views are embedded in many of the Center documents. At this time, we hope you will join in a discussion of what problems you see arising related to homework and what you recommend as ways to deal with such problems, what positive homework practices you know about, and so forth. Read the material that follows, and then, let us hear from you on this topic. Contact: [email protected] ######################### As one stimulus, here's a piece by Sharon Cromwell from Education World prepared for teachers " The Homework Dilemma: How Much Should Parents Get Involved? " http://www.education-world.com/a_curr/curr053.shtml . What can teachers do to help parents help their children with homework? Just what kind of parental involvement -- and how much involvement -- truly helps children with their homework? The most useful stance parents can take, many experts agree, is to be somewhat but not overly involved in homework. The emphasis needs to be on parents' helping children do their homework themselves -- not on doing it for them. In an Instructor magazine article, How to Make Parents Your Homework Partner s, study-skills consultant Judy Dodge maintains that involving students in homework is largely the teacher's job, yet parents can help by "creating a home environment that's conducive to kids getting their homework done." Children who spend more time on homework, on average, do better academically than children who don't, and the academic benefits of homework increase in the upper grades, according to Helping Your Child With Homework , a handbook by the Office of Education Research and Improvement in the U.S. Department of Education. The handbook offers ideas for helping children finish homework assignments successfully and answers questions that parents and people who care for elementary and junior high school students often ask about homework. One of the Goals 2000 goals involves the parent/school relationship. The goal reads, "Every school will promote partnerships that will increase parental involvement and participation in promoting the social, emotional, and academic growth of children." Teachers can pursue the goal, in part, by communicating to parents their reasons for assigning homework. For example, the handbook states, homework can help children to review and practice what they have learned; prepare for the next day's class; use resources, such as libraries and reference materials; investigate topics more fully than time allows in the classroom. Parents can help children excel at homework by setting a regular time; choosing a place; removing distractions; having supplies and resources on hand; monitoring assignments; and providing guidance. The handbook cautions against actually doing the homework for a child, but talking about the assignment so the child can figure out what needs to be done is OK. And reviewing a completed assignment with a child can also be helpful. The kind of help that works best depends, of course, partly on the child's age. Elementary school students who are doing homework for the first time may need more direct involvement than older students. HOMEWORK "TIPS" Specific methods have been developed for encouraging the optimal parental involvement in homework. TIPS (Teachers Involve Parents in Schoolwork) Interactive Homework process was designed by researchers at Johns Hopkins University and teachers in Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia to meet parents' and teachers' needs, says the Phi Delta Kappa Research Bulletin . The September 1997 bulletin reported the effects of TIPS-Language Arts on middle-grade students' writing skills, language arts report card grades, and attitudes toward TIPS as well as parents' reactions to interactive homework. TIPS interactive homework assignments involve students in demonstrating or discussing homework with a family member. Parents are asked to monitor, interact, and support their children. They are not required to read or direct the students' assignments because that is the students' responsibility. All TIPS homework has a section for home-to-school communication where parents indicate their interaction with the student about the homework. The goals of the TIPS process are for parents to gain knowledge about their children's school work, students to gain mastery in academic subjects by enhancing school lessons at home, and teachers to have an understanding of the parental contribution to student learning. "TIPS" RESULTS Nearly all parents involved in the TIPS program said TIPS provided them with information about what their children were studying in school. About 90 percent of the parents wanted the school to continue TIPS the following year. More than 80 percent of the families liked the TIPS process (44 percent a lot; 36% a little). TIPS activities were better than regular homework, according to 60 percent of the students who participated. About 70 percent wanted the school to use TIPS the next year. According to Phi Delta Kappa Research Bulletin , more family involvement helped students' writing skills increase, even when prior writing skills were taken into account. And completing more TIPS assignments improved students' language arts grades on report cards, even after prior report card grades and attendance were taken into account. Of the eight teachers involved, six liked the TIPS process and intended to go on using it without help or supplies from the researchers. Furthermore, seven of the eight teachers said TIPS "helps families see what their children are learning in class." OTHER TIPS In "How to Make Parents Your Homework Partners," Judy Dodge suggests that teachers begin giving parent workshops to provide practical tips for "winning the homework battle." At the workshop, teachers should focus on three key study skills: Organizational skills -- Help put students in control of work and to feel sure that they can master what they need to learn and do. Parents can, for example, help students find a "steady study spot" with the materials they need at hand. Time-management skills -- Enable students to complete work without feeling too much pressure and to have free time. By working with students to set a definite study time, for example, parents can help with time management. Active study strategies -- Help students to achieve better outcomes from studying. Parents suggest, for instance, that students write questions they think will be on a test and then recite their answers out loud. Related Resources Homework Without Tears by Lee Canter and Lee Hauser (Perennial Library, 1987). A down-to-earth book by well-known experts suggests how to deal with specific homework problems. Megaskills: How Families Can Help Children Succeed in School and Beyond by Dorothy Rich (Houghton Mifflin Company, 1992). Families can help children develop skills that nurture success in and out of school. "Helping Your Student Get the Most Out of Homework" by the National PTA and the National Education Association (1995). This booklet for teachers to use with students is sold in packages of 25 through the National PTA. The Catalog item is #B307. Call 312-549-3253 or write National PTA Orders, 135 South LaSalle Street, Dept. 1860, Chicago, IL 60674-1860. Related Sites A cornucopia of homework help is available for children who use a computer or whose parents are willing to help them get started online. The following LINKS include Internet sites that can be used for reference, research, and overall resources for both homework and schoolwork. Dr. Internet. The Dr. Internet Web site, part of the Internet Public Library, helps students with science and math homework or projects. It includes a science project resource guide Help With Homework. His extensive listing of Internet links is divided into Language Art Links, Science Links, Social Studies Links, Homework Help, Kids Education, and Universities. If students know what they are looking for, the site could be invaluable. Kidz-Net... Links to places where you can get help with homework. An array of homework help links is offered here, from Ask Dr. Math (which provides answers to math questions) to Roget's Thesaurus and the White House. Surfing the Net With Kids: Got Questions? Links to people -- such as teachers, librarians, experts, authors, and other students -- who will help students with questions about homework. Barbara J. Feldman put together the links. Kidsurfer: For Kids and Teens The site, from the National Children's Coalition, includes a Homework/Reference section for many subjects, including science, geography, music, history, and language arts. Homework: Parents' Work, Kid's Work, or School Work? A quick search of this title in the Education Week Archives and you'll find an article presenting a parent's viewpoint on helping children with homework. @#@#@#@@# As another stimulus for the discussion, here is an excerpt from our online continuing education module Enhancing Classroom Approaches for Addressing Barriers to Learning ( https://smhp.psych.ucla.edu ) Turning Homework into Motivated Practice Most of us have had the experience of wanting to be good at something such as playing a musical instrument or participating in a sport. What we found out was that becoming good at it meant a great deal of practice, and the practicing often was not very much fun. In the face of this fact, many of us turned to other pursuits. In some cases, individuals were compelled by their parents to labor on, and many of these sufferers grew to dislike the activity. (A few, of course, commend their parents for pushing them, but be assured these are a small minority. Ask your friends who were compelled to practice the piano.) Becoming good at reading, mathematics, writing, and other academic pursuits requires practice outside the classroom. This, of course, is called homework. Properly designed, homework can benefit students. Inappropriately designed homework, however, can lead to avoidance, parent-child conflicts, teacher reproval, and student dislike of various arenas of learning. Well-designed homework involves assignments that emphasize motivated practice. As with all learning processes that engage students, motivated practice requires designing activities that the student perceives as worthwhile and doable with an appropriate amount of effort. In effect, the intent is to personalize in-class practice and homework. This does not mean every student has a different practice activity. Teachers quickly learn what their students find engaging and can provide three or four practice options that will be effective for most students in a class. The idea of motivated practice is not without its critics. I don't doubt that students would prefer an approach to homework that emphasized motivated practice. But �� that's not preparing them properly for the real world. People need to work even when it isn't fun, and most of the time work isn't fun. Also, if a person wants to be good at something, they need to practice it day in and day out, and that's not fun! In the end, won't all this emphasis on motivation spoil people so that they won't want to work unless it's personally relevant and interesting? We believe that a great deal of learning and practice activities can be enjoyable. But even if they are not, they can be motivating if they are viewed as worthwhile and experienced as satisfying. At the same time, we do recognize that there are many things people have to do in their lives that will not be viewed and experienced in a positive way. How we all learn to put up with such circumstances is an interesting question, but one for which psychologists have yet to find a satisfactory answer. It is doubtful, however, that people have to experience the learning and practice of basic knowledge and skills as drudgery in order to learn to tolerate boring situations. Also in response to critics of motivated practice, there is the reality that many students do not master what they have been learning because they do not pursue the necessary practice activities. Thus, at least for such individuals, it seems essential to facilitate motivated practice. Minimally, facilitating motivated practice requires establishing a variety of task options that are potentially challenging -- neither too easy nor too hard. However, as we have stressed, the processes by which tasks are chosen must lead to perceptions on the part of the learner that practice activities, task outcomes, or both are worthwhile -- especially as potential sources of personal satisfaction. The examples in the following exhibit illustrate ways in which activities can be varied to provide for motivated learning and practice. Because most people have experienced a variety of reading and writing activities, the focus here is on other types of activity. Students can be encouraged to pursue such activity with classsmates and/or family members. Friends with common interests can provide positive models and support that can enhance productivity and even creativity. Research on motivation indicates that one of the most powerful factors keeping a person on a task is the expectation of feeling some sense of satisfaction when the task is completed. For example, task persistence results from the expectation that one will feel smart or competent while performing the task or at least will feel that way after the skill is mastered. Within some limits, the stronger the sense of potential outcome satisfaction, the more likely practice will be pursued even when the practice activities are rather dull. The weaker the sense of potential outcome satisfaction, the more the practice activities themselves need to be positively motivating. Exhibit � Homework and Motivated Practice Learning and practicing by (1) doing using movement and manipulation of objects to explore a topic (e.g., using coins to learn to add and subtract) dramatization of events (e.g., historical, current) role playing and simulations (e.g., learning about democratic vs. autocratic government by trying different models in class; learning about contemporary life and finances by living on a budget) actual interactions (e.g., learning about human psychology through analysis of daily behavior) applied activities (e.g., school newspapers, film and video productions, band, sports) actual work experience (e.g., on-the-job learning) (2) listening reading to students (e.g., to enhance their valuing of literature) audio media (e.g., tapes, records, and radio presentations of music, stories, events) listening games and activities (e.g., Simon Says; imitating rhymes, rhythms, and animal sounds) analyzing actual oral material (e.g., learning to detect details and ideas in advertisements or propaganda presented on radio or television, learning to identify feelings and motives underlying statements of others) (3) looking directly observing experts, role models, and demonstrations visual media visual games and activities (e.g., puzzles, reproducing designs, map activities) analyzing actual visual material (e.g., learning to find and identify ideas observed in daily events) (4) asking information gathering (e.g., investigative reporting, interviewing, and opinion sampling at school and in the community) brainstorming answers to current problems and puzzling questions inquiry learning (e.g., learning social studies and science by identifying puzzling questions, formulating hypotheses, gathering and interpreting information, generalizing answers, and raising new questions) question-and-answer games and activities (e.g., twenty questions, provocative and confrontational questions) questioning everyday events (e.g., learning about a topic by asking people about how it effects their lives) O.K. That's should be enough to get you going. What's your take on all this? What do you think we all should be telling teachers and parents about homework? Let us hear from you ( [email protected] ). Back to Hot Topic Home Page Hot Topic Home Page --> Table of Contents Home Page Search Send Us Email School Mental Health Project-UCLA Center for Mental Health in Schools WebMaster: Perry Nelson ([email protected])

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Associations of time spent on homework or studying with nocturnal sleep behavior and depression symptoms in adolescents from Singapore

• Sing Chen Yeo, MSc Sing Chen Yeo Affiliations Center for Cognitive Neuroscience, Program in Neuroscience and Behavioral Disorders, Duke-NUS Medical School, Singapore Search for articles by this author
• Jacinda Tan, BSc Jacinda Tan Affiliations Center for Cognitive Neuroscience, Program in Neuroscience and Behavioral Disorders, Duke-NUS Medical School, Singapore Search for articles by this author
• Joshua J. Gooley, PhD Joshua J. Gooley Correspondence Corresponding author: Joshua J. Gooley, Center for Cognitive Neuroscience, Neuroscience and Behavioral Disorders Program, Duke-NUS Medical School Singapore, 8 College Road, Singapore 117549, Singapore Contact Affiliations Center for Cognitive Neuroscience, Program in Neuroscience and Behavioral Disorders, Duke-NUS Medical School, Singapore Search for articles by this author

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THE ALGONQUIN HARBINGER

• Excessive homework negatively impacts mental health, causes unnecessary stress

Caroline Lou

Opinion Editor Jula Utzschneider writes on the overwhelming chip on every student’s shoulder: homework.

Jula Utzschneider , Opinion Editor November 10, 2021

When the bell rings to end last period every day, I feel a sense of relief. However, this feeling soon wears off as I realize just how much work I have to do after the already-stressful school day ends.

While homework can be beneficial, more often than not, it is assigned excessively and unnecessarily. Teachers give a significant amount of homework, often due the next day. This causes students to spend far too much time doing such assignments and can be detrimental.

A 2013 study conducted at Stanford University found that students in top-performing school districts who spend too much time on homework experience more stress, physical health problems, a lack of balance in their lives and alienation from society. That study, published in The Journal of Experimental Education , suggested that any more than two hours of homework per night is counterproductive. However, students who participated in the study reported doing slightly more than three hours of homework every night.

And, yes, the amount of homework given to students depends on the course level they take. But, with increasingly competitive college acceptance rates (demanding more extracurriculars and college-level classes), many students feel forced to take these more challenging courses. This is a huge problem, especially as teachers give homework only thinking about their own class, not the five or six others students have.

Additionally, when it came to stress, more than 70% of students in the Stanford study said they were “often or always stressed over schoolwork,” with 56% listing homework as a primary stressor. More than 80% of students reported having at least one stress-related symptom (such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss, stomach problems and more) in the past month, and 44% said they had experienced three or more symptoms. 

Less than 1% of the students said homework was not a stressor, demonstrating that the vast majority feel overwhelmed and pressured by the amount of work they receive.

Not to mention, the time spent on these assignments could easily be spent doing something enjoyable. Many students feel forced or obligated to choose homework over practicing other talents or skills, which should never be the case. Teachers should be encouraging these extracurriculars, rather than making it impossible for students to partake in them.

In terms of what teachers can do, it’s quite simple, really. Homework is intended for students to either practice a subject further or to cover topics teachers couldn’t during the allotted class time. It should not be busywork that just wastes a student’s time. 

Teachers should be giving students work that is absolutely necessary (not busy work), and eliminate it altogether where they can. It is extremely important that students not only get through high school but thrive and enjoy it too.

How much time do you spend doing homework on an average school night?

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Does Homework Cause Stress? Exploring the Impact on Students’ Mental Health

How much homework is too much?

Homework has become a matter of concern for educators, parents, and researchers due to its potential effects on students’ stress levels. It’s no secret students often find themselves grappling with high levels of stress and anxiety throughout their academic careers, so understanding the extent to which homework affects those stress levels is important. 

By delving into the latest research and understanding the underlying factors at play, we hope to curate insights for educators, parents, and students who are wondering whether homework causing stress in their lives?

The Link Between Homework and Stress: What the Research Says

Over the years, numerous studies investigated the relationship between homework and stress levels in students. 

One study published in the Journal of Experimental Education found that students who reported spending more than two hours per night on homework experienced higher stress levels and physical health issues . Those same students reported over three hours of homework a night on average.

This study, conducted by Stanford lecturer Denise Pope, has been heavily cited throughout the years, with WebMD producing the below video on the topic– part of their special report series on teens and stress : 

Additional studies published by Sleep Health Journal found that long hours on homework on may be a risk factor for depression , suggesting that reducing workload outside of class may benefit sleep and mental fitness .

Homework’s Potential Impact on Mental Health and Well-being

Homework-induced stress on students can involve both psychological and physiological side effects. 

1. Potential Psychological Effects of Homework-Induced Stress:

• Anxiety: The pressure to perform well academically and meet homework expectations can lead to heightened levels of anxiety in students. Constant worry about completing assignments on time and achieving high grades can be overwhelming.

• Sleep Disturbances : Homework-related stress can disrupt students’ sleep patterns, leading to sleep anxiety or sleep deprivation, both of which can negatively impact cognitive function and emotional regulation.

• Reduced Motivation: Excessive homework demands could drain students’ motivation, causing them to feel fatigued and disengaged from their studies. Reduced motivation may lead to a lack of interest in learning, hindering students’ overall academic performance.

2. Potential Physiological Effects of Homework-Induced Stress:

• Impaired Immune Function: Prolonged stress could weaken the immune system, making students more susceptible to illnesses and infections.

• Disrupted Hormonal Balance : The body’s stress response triggers the release of hormones like cortisol, which, when chronically elevated due to stress, can disrupt the delicate hormonal balance and lead to various health issues.

• Gastrointestinal Disturbances: Stress has been known to affect the gastrointestinal system, leading to symptoms such as stomachaches, nausea, and other digestive problems.

• Cardiovascular Impact: The increased heart rate and elevated blood pressure associated with stress can strain the cardiovascular system, potentially increasing the risk of heart-related issues in the long run.

• Brain impact: Prolonged exposure to stress hormones may impact the brain’s functioning , affecting memory, concentration, and other cognitive abilities.

The Benefits of Homework

It’s important to note that homework also offers many benefits that contribute to students’ academic growth and development, such as: 

• Development of Time Management Skills: Completing homework within specified deadlines encourages students to manage their time efficiently. This valuable skill extends beyond academics and becomes essential in various aspects of life.

• Preparation for Future Challenges : Homework helps prepare students for future academic challenges and responsibilities. It fosters a sense of discipline and responsibility, qualities that are crucial for success in higher education and professional life.

• Enhanced Problem-Solving Abilities: Homework often presents students with challenging problems to solve. Tackling these problems independently nurtures critical thinking and problem-solving skills.

While homework can foster discipline, time management, and self-directed learning, the middle ground may be to  strike a balance that promotes both academic growth and mental well-being .

How Much Homework Should Teachers Assign?

As a general guideline, educators suggest assigning a workload that allows students to grasp concepts effectively without overwhelming them . Quality over quantity is key, ensuring that homework assignments are purposeful, relevant, and targeted towards specific objectives. 

Advice for Students: How to balance Homework and Well-being

Finding a balance between academic responsibilities and well-being is crucial for students. Here are some practical tips and techniques to help manage homework-related stress and foster a healthier approach to learning:

• Effective Time Management : Encourage students to create a structured study schedule that allocates sufficient time for homework, breaks, and other activities. Prioritizing tasks and setting realistic goals can prevent last-minute rushes and reduce the feeling of being overwhelmed.

• Break Tasks into Smaller Chunks : Large assignments can be daunting and may contribute to stress. Students should break such tasks into smaller, manageable parts. This approach not only makes the workload seem less intimidating but also provides a sense of accomplishment as each section is completed.

• Find a Distraction-Free Zone : Establish a designated study area that is free from distractions like smartphones, television, or social media. This setting will improve focus and productivity, reducing time needed to complete homework.

• Be Active : Regular exercise is known to reduce stress and enhance mood. Encourage students to incorporate physical activity into their daily routine, whether it’s going for a walk, playing a sport, or doing yoga.

• Practice Mindfulness and Relaxation Techniques : Encourage students to engage in mindfulness practices, such as deep breathing exercises or meditation, to alleviate stress and improve concentration. Taking short breaks to relax and clear the mind can enhance overall well-being and cognitive performance.

• Seek Support : Teachers, parents, and school counselors play an essential role in supporting students. Create an open and supportive environment where students feel comfortable expressing their concerns and seeking help when needed.

How Healium is Helping in Schools

Stress is caused by so many factors and not just the amount of work students are taking home.  Our company created a virtual reality stress management solution… a mental fitness tool called “Healium” that’s teaching students how to learn to self-regulate their stress and downshift in a drugless way. Schools implementing Healium have seen improvements from supporting dysregulated students and ADHD challenges to empowering students with body awareness and learning to self-regulate stress . Here’s one of their stories. 

By providing students with the tools they need to self-manage stress and anxiety, we represent a forward-looking approach to education that prioritizes the holistic development of every student. 

To learn more about how Healium works, watch the video below.

About the Author

Sarah Hill , a former interactive TV news journalist at NBC, ABC, and CBS affiliates in Missouri, gained recognition for pioneering interactive news broadcasting using Google Hangouts. She is now the CEO of Healium, the world’s first biometrically powered immersive media channel, helping those with stress, anxiety, insomnia, and other struggles through biofeedback storytelling. With patents, clinical validation, and over seven million views, she has reshaped the landscape of immersive media.

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The Impact of Homework on Student Mental Health

By Happy Sharer

Introduction

Homework is a key part of the educational process. It is often seen as an essential part of learning and helping students to develop important skills. However, there is growing evidence that too much homework can have a negative effect on student mental health. This article will explore the impact of homework on student mental health, examining the correlation between workload and stress levels, analyzing the effects of too much homework on student anxiety, and understanding how homework can lead to depression in students.

Exploring the Impact of Homework on Student Mental Health

Homework has long been seen as an important part of the educational process, but it can also become a source of stress for students. A recent study by the American Psychological Association found that more than two-thirds of students reported feeling overwhelmed by their homework load. The study also found that students who felt overwhelmed were more likely to experience symptoms of depression and anxiety. It is clear that the amount of homework assigned to students can have a significant impact on their mental health.

Examining the Correlation Between Homework and Student Stress Levels

The amount of homework assigned to students can have a direct impact on their stress levels. Too much homework can lead to feelings of frustration and overwhelm, which can then lead to increased stress levels. A study published in the journal Developmental Psychology found that when students had more homework assignments, they experienced higher levels of stress. The study also found that students who had more homework assignments were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed and anxious.

It is also important to consider the relationship between homework and academic performance. Studies have suggested that too much homework can lead to decreased academic performance, which can then lead to increased stress levels. A study published in the Journal of Experimental Education found that when students had more homework, their performance on tests was lower than those with less homework. This suggests that too much homework can lead to increased stress levels, as students feel pressure to perform at a higher level.

In order to reduce homework-related stress, it is important for students to prioritize their work. Planning ahead and breaking down tasks into smaller, more manageable chunks can help students to feel more organized and in control. Taking regular breaks throughout the day can also help students to stay focused and motivated. Finally, it is important to ensure that students are getting enough sleep in order to maintain their energy levels and reduce stress.

Analyzing the Effects of Too Much Homework on Student Anxiety

Too much homework can also lead to increased anxiety levels in students. A study published in the journal Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review found that when students had more homework, they were more likely to experience symptoms of anxiety. The study also found that students with excessive amounts of homework were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed and unable to cope with the workload.

It is important to understand the psychological effects of too much homework on students. Excessive amounts of homework can lead to feelings of frustration and helplessness, which can then lead to increased anxiety levels. Furthermore, students may start to see homework as a burden rather than an opportunity to learn, which can lead to decreased motivation and further feelings of anxiety.

In order to reduce homework-related anxiety, it is important to set realistic goals and expectations. Setting achievable goals and deadlines can help students to stay focused and motivated. It is also important to ensure that students are getting enough rest and taking regular breaks throughout the day. Finally, it is important to talk to teachers and parents about any concerns or worries that students may have about their workload.

Understanding How Homework Can Lead to Depression in Students

Too much homework can also lead to depression in students. A study published in the journal Pediatrics found that when students had more homework, they were more likely to experience symptoms of depression. The study also found that students with excessive amounts of homework were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed, frustrated, and helpless.

It is important to understand the psychological effects of too much homework on students. Excessive amounts of homework can lead to feelings of hopelessness and failure, which can then lead to increased depression levels. Furthermore, students may start to see homework as a chore rather than an opportunity to learn, which can lead to decreased motivation and further feelings of depression.

In order to reduce homework-related depression, it is important to focus on developing positive coping skills. Taking time to relax and practice mindfulness can help students to manage their emotions and stay focused. It is also important to ensure that students are getting enough sleep and taking regular breaks throughout the day. Finally, it is important to talk to teachers and parents about any concerns or worries that students may have about their workload.

Investigating the Relationship Between Homework and Student Self-Esteem

Finally, it is important to consider the relationship between homework and student self-esteem. A study published in the journal Developmental Psychology found that when students had more homework, they were more likely to report feeling inadequate and inferior. The study also found that students with excessive amounts of homework were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed and helpless.

It is important to understand the psychological effects of too much homework on students. Excessive amounts of homework can lead to feelings of worthlessness and failure, which can then lead to decreased self-esteem. Furthermore, students may start to see homework as a burden rather than an opportunity to learn, which can lead to decreased motivation and further feelings of inadequacy.

In order to increase homework-related self-esteem, it is important to focus on developing positive self-talk. Taking time to recognize achievements and celebrate successes can help students to stay motivated and build confidence. It is also important to ensure that students are getting enough rest and taking regular breaks throughout the day. Finally, it is important to talk to teachers and parents about any concerns or worries that students may have about their workload.

In conclusion, it is clear that the amount of homework assigned to students can have a significant impact on their mental health. Too much homework can lead to increased stress levels, anxiety, depression, and decreased self-esteem. It is therefore important to ensure that students are not overloaded with homework and are given the opportunity to learn in a healthy environment. By reducing the amount of homework assigned to students, we can help them to develop important skills without compromising their mental wellbeing.

(Note: Is this article not meeting your expectations? Do you have knowledge or insights to share? Unlock new opportunities and expand your reach by joining our authors team. Click Registration to join us and share your expertise with our readers.)

Hi, I'm Happy Sharer and I love sharing interesting and useful knowledge with others. I have a passion for learning and enjoy explaining complex concepts in a simple way.

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Workload and Mental Well-Being of Homeworkers

The mediating effects of work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement.

Zappalà, Salvatore PhD; Swanzy, Erasmus Keli MPsy; Toscano, Ferdinando MPsy, PhD student

From the Department of Psychology, Alma Mater Studiorum–University of Bologna, Cesena, Italy.

Funding Sources: No funding was provided for the conduct of this research. The publication costs of this open-access article were covered by the authors' university membership in the CARE-CRUI national contract with the publisher Wolters Kluwer for Lippincott Williams & Wilkins journals.

Conflict of Interest: Nothing to declare.

Ethical Considerations & Disclosure: This research fully respects the Declaration of Helsinki. All ethical guidelines were followed.

Address correspondence to: Ferdinando Toscano, MPsy, Dipartimento di Psicologia–Università di Bologna, Viale Europa 115, 47521 Cesena (FC), Italy ( [email protected] ).

This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 (CCBY) , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Objective 

Based on the Conservation of Resources theory, this cross-sectional study investigates the relationship between workload experienced by employees when working at home and their mental well-being. Work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement are proposed as mediators.

Methods 

A sample of 11,501 homeworkers was drawn from the sixth wave of the European Working Condition Survey data set.

Results 

Unlike the expected, the higher the workload, the higher the mental well-being of employees. However, as expected, high workload was correlated with lower well-being when indirect effects through work-family conflict, sleep problems, and work engagement were considered. Similarly, the total effect of workload on mental well-being was negative.

Conclusions 

The study suggests that organizations should pay more attention to the amount of workload experienced by their homeworkers because it may be harmful to their health and well-being.

In a non-pandemic setting, this study in homeworkers helps to identify the mechanisms by which employees' workload affects their mental well-being. The results show that work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement are key variables that make the effects of workload involved in reducing the homeworkers' well-being.

The percentage of employees working at home has risen over recent decades. 1 This way of working is called homeworking or, sometimes with slight conceptual differences, home-based teleworking. For reasons related to the COVID-19 emergency, it has been exponentially adopted in many organizations.

Scientific literature has identified several advantages of homeworking, such as homeworkers’ greater autonomy, increased job satisfaction and flexibility to deal with work-family demands, and limited traveling and time and cost savings for both organizations and workers. 2 However, in addition to benefits, literature identified social isolation, technostress, or workaholism as potential drawbacks of homework. 3–7 These contrasting results about homework lead to no consensus as to whether homeworking is good or bad for homeworkers. 2,3,8,9

A particular concern about homework is employees’ mental well-being. Recent research suggests that working from home may affect mental well-being because this work arrangement increases work/family conflicts and employees’ feelings of loneliness. 10,11 Furthermore, recent studies found that working from home leads to working at higher speed, meeting tight deadlines, greater work intensification, and overworking, which affect employees’ mental well-being. 12–14 Accordingly, in this study, we explore if workload is related to homeworkers’ mental well-being.

Research investigating how workload influences the well-being of employees is still scarce and scant 15,16 ; even more limited is the literature on the effects of workload on the mental well-being of homeworkers. 11,12,17 However, recent studies conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic observed that home workers’ workload negatively influenced their well-being by increasing their work-family conflict. 11

We investigated the relationship between homeworkers’ workload and well-being for three reasons. First, we believe it is essential to explore the relationship between workload and well-being because work conditions for homework are different from work conditions experienced at the office. For instance, homeworkers may experience more intrusions from family domains during homeworking. 18 A high workload may affect homeworkers differently than office workers and employees working remotely in other locations than the home. Second, considering the increase in homeworkers during the COVID-19 pandemic and that organizations were not prepared to implement homeworking for many or most of their workforce, 19 it is crucial to explore how workload is related to homeworkers’ well-being, to assist organizations in allocating reasonable workload to homeworkers. Third, the inconsistencies about the benefits of homeworking suggest that understanding how to enhance homeworkers’ well-being considering their workload may be a valuable research avenue.

We examined the relationship between homeworkers’ workload and their well-being by investigating multiple mediators that may influence this relationship. Thus, we based our argument on the Conservation of Resources (COR) theory 20 to explain how homeworkers’ workload may significantly influence their well-being by focusing on three potential mediating variables: work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement.

Workload and Mental Well-being

Workload is the intensity or the extent of work assigned to an employee in a specific time frame. 21 Based on this definition, homeworkers’ workload can be explained as the intensity or amount of job tasks accomplished within a specific time frame during homeworking.

The COR model posits that individuals endeavor to acquire, keep, foster, and guard things that they value (such as health, well-being, and family, but also objects, such as cars or tools for work, or energy resources, such as money or knowledge) and that well-being is at risk when people perceive the threat or the actual loss of one resource. 20,22 According to this theory, when employees perceive or experience an increased workload, they have to use resources (eg, time and energy) to cope with it. This may result in the depletion and loss of those same resources that could have been devoted to personal commitments and social connections. This awareness causes homeworkers to experience stress, negatively affecting their mental well-being. 22

Different studies reported that workload negatively affects employees’ mental well-being, supporting the assertion made by the COR theory. For example, in a traditional work context, Aalto et al 23 conducted a study on more than 1000 physicians and found that workload was negatively associated with physicians’ mental well-being. Angioha et al 24 observed that workload significantly and negatively affected the mental well-being of 650 government workers. Other studies supported the assertion that employees’ workload negatively affects their mental well-being. 25–27 We argue that the same process is also valid for homeworkers since previous studies 12–14 found that homeworkers are exposed to higher work intensification, work at high speed to meet tight deadlines, and overwork during a limited remote work time. Therefore, based on COR theory and the review of literature, we posit that:

• H1 : Workload experienced by homeworkers is negatively related to their mental well-being.

Workload, Work-Family Conflict, and Mental Well-being

Work-family conflict is a topic widely explored in organizational literature because of its impact on individual and organizational outcomes. 28 It expresses the role conflict occurring because of incompatible demands between work and family domains. 29 Prior research has shown that the work-family conflict experienced by employees is significantly predicted by workload, 30 a result in line with the COR theory. In fact, the COR theory posits that people strive to obtain and conserve essential resources for social bonds such as family and friends. 20,22 Therefore, increased workload implies that individuals have to decrease the time and energy devoted to family members and family needs to meet the increased workload. Spending more time working because of a higher workload may often leave homeworkers emotionally exhausted, physically drained, and unable to have time and energy for family activities. 31 Faced with increased time and energy devoted to work rather than family, homeworkers may struggle to meet family needs, leading to work-family conflict.

In turn, work-family conflict may negatively affect employees’ work engagement. 28,32 A high work-family conflict requires resources to manage it, leaving workers with fewer resources to invest and diminishing employees’ work engagement. Obrenovic et al 33 explained that work-family conflict diminishes employees’ mental resources, affecting work engagement. Other studies indicated that work-family conflict experienced by workers negatively and significantly affects their work engagement. 32,34 In light of these empirical findings, we extend these results to homeworkers and, therefore, expect that their work-family conflict may negatively affect their work engagement.

The second corollary of the COR theory provides key cues to understand better the relationship between workload, work-family conflict, and well-being. This corollary emphasizes the spiral nature of resource loss and suggests that the initial loss of resources threatens the conservation of the remaining resources. 22 Hobfoll et al 22 explain that “because resource loss is more powerful than resource gain, and because stress occurs when resources are lost, individuals and organizations have fewer resources to offset resource loss at each iteration of the stress spiral. This creates resource loss spirals whereby losses gain in both impact and momentum” (p 107). Therefore, the initial loss of time and energy resources because of a higher workload threats the possibility to use the remaining resources, such as those related to relationships with family members. The actual loss of resources due to higher workload and the perceived threat of losing another resource, in this case, the family support resulting in work-family conflict, may gain both impact and momentum and further threaten other resources (eg, health and well-being), generating a spillover effect or what Hobfoll calls “spiral loss.” Building on the spiral loss of resources of the COR theory, we expect that the workload experienced by homeworkers is positively related to employees’ work-family conflicts, which in turn is negatively related to mental well-being. Therefore, we propose the following hypotheses:

• H2a : Workload experienced by homeworkers is positively related to work-family conflict.
• H2b : Homeworkers’ work-family conflict is negatively related to work engagement.
• H2c : Homeworkers’ work-family conflict is negatively related to mental well-being.
• H2d : The negative relationship between workload experienced by homeworkers and mental well-being is mediated by work-family conflict.

Workload, Sleeping Problems, and Mental Well-being

According to the empirical study by Aalto et al, 23 an increase in workload may negatively affect employees’ quality of sleep, leading to sleeping problems. Similar results also emerged from the research by Huyghebaert et al, 15 who found that increased workload might lead to impaired sleep quality and consequent emotional exhaustion. A meta-analysis of 79 studies conducted by Nixon et al 35 found that employees reporting higher workload reported sleeping problems due to the stress and exhaustion accompanying high workload. Based on this literature, we propose extending these findings to homeworkers by posing that their workload is significantly and positively related to their sleeping problems.

Sleeping problems are related to decreased work engagement. 36 According to Barber et al, 36 this occurs because a good sleep quality helps replenish and enhance self-regulatory resources after being exhausted or drained. On the contrary, sleeping problems may hinder a person from restocking self-regulatory resources depleted throughout the day. Accordingly, COR theory's desperation principle argues that people enter into a defensive mode to conserve remaining resources when previous ones have been stretched and drained. 22 This implies that employees would be less inclined to invest more resources into the tasks they have to accomplish when their self-regulatory resources have not been fully replenished due to sleeping problems. 37 Hence, it is possible to expect that homeworkers’ sleeping problems may harm their work engagement.

Prior studies found a relationship between sleeping problems and employees’ mental well-being. 38,39 The rationale of this result is that sleep is crucial in the optimum physiological and human psychological functioning, 36 and individuals who experience sleeping problems have poorer mental well-being than individuals not having such problems. 40 In fact, sleeping problems influence people's moods and emotions, leading to anxiety and depression. 40,41 This scenario is fully compatible with the spiral loss of resources in the COR theory. Hence, we expect that sleeping problems experienced by homeworkers because of increased workloads would have a significant adverse effect on their mental well-being. In particular, we believe that homeworkers’ workload may result in sleeping problems, which, in turn, decrease mental well-being. Thus, we posit that

• H3a : Workload experienced by homeworkers is positively related to sleeping problems.
• H3b : Sleeping problems experienced by homeworkers are negatively related to work engagement.
• H3c : Sleeping problems experienced by homeworkers are negatively related to mental well-being.
• H3d : Homeworkers’ workload has a negative indirect effect on well-being via the mediation of sleeping problems.

Workload, Work Engagement, and Mental Well-Being

Work engagement is defined as “a positive, fulfilling, work-related state of mind characterized by vigor, dedication, and absorption” 42 (p 74). Empirical findings show that workload decreases employees’ work engagement. 43–45 At the same time, the desperation principle of COR theory states that people get into a state of defensive mode to preserve resources when previous resources have been stretched and drained. 22 According to this rationale, workers would be less inclined to invest more resources into their work tasks when they feel too exhausted or physically drained due to the high workload. Hence, even homeworkers who experience the loss of resources such as time and energy due to increased workload may not be able to invest more time and energy into their work tasks, thereby negatively affecting their work engagement. Therefore, we propose that homeworkers’ workload negatively affects work engagement.

Regarding the effects of work engagement on the mental well-being of employees, Radic et al 46 suggested that more studies should examine this relationship. However, the existing research on work engagement and mental well-being found, in general, a positive relationship between these two constructs. 47–49 Yang et al 50 argue that work engagement is among the most significant drivers of job performance and the effort employees put into their work, thus increasing mental well-being. Therefore, work engagement should, in turn, contribute to self-development, leading to increased mental well-being. This expectation is in line with COR theory and, in particular, its second and third corollaries about resource loss cycles and gains spirals. Considering work engagement as a motivational resource, from which to obtain energy and dedication to important activities for individuals, 42 in the gain spiral, an increase in work engagement should lead to an increase in personal well-being, and likewise, a loss of engagement should worsen employees’ well-being. Based on the reviewed literature, we suggest that homeworkers’ workload is negatively related to work engagement, which, in turn, is positively related to mental well-being. Hence, we propose the following hypotheses:

• H4a : Workload experienced by homeworkers is negatively related to work engagement.
• H4b : Homeworkers’ work engagement is positively related to mental well-being.
• H4c : There is a negative indirect effect of homeworkers’ workload on mental well-being via work engagement.

Finally, considering the mediation effect of work engagement between workload and mental well-being, the direct effect of workload on work-family conflict (H2a) and sleeping problems (H3a), and also the direct effect of work-family conflict (H2b) and sleeping problems (H3b) on work engagement, we posit two sequential mediation effects:

• H4d : There is a negative indirect effect of homeworkers’ workload on mental well-being via work-family conflict and work engagement.
• H4e : There is a negative indirect effect of homeworkers’ workload on mental well-being via sleeping problems and work engagement ( Fig. 1 ).

METHODOLOGY

Data sources.

The present study used data from the European Working Condition Survey (EWCS) conducted every 5 years, since 1990, by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions. 51 The EWCS is a large-scale survey that provides cross-sectional data using random samples of workers in European countries, focusing on their work-life balance, working conditions, health, employment conditions, working environments, and well-being. 52 The Eurofound is a European Union body established by the European Council to offer better information and expert counsel on workers’ living conditions, changes in industrial relations and management among European countries, and contribute to the design and improvement of working and living conditions of workers in Europe. 52 Researchers have highly recognized the quality of the EWCS data set. 53,54

We used data of the sixth wave of EWCS collected in 2015, the most recently available data set as of the writing of this contribution. 51 The sampling procedure used for the survey was a multistage and stratified random sampling where each country was stratified into strata based on the geographical region and the level of urbanization. For our study, we extracted from the data set only respondents who reported having worked at home, answering to the following item: “How often have you worked in each location during the last 12 months—Your own home?” Participants that selected “never” were excluded from the study, whereas participants who selected “less often” to “daily” were included in the study. As a result, we obtained a sample of 11,501 homeworkers from 35 different countries.

The scales of the Eurofound survey used in this study are reported below. For all the scales, we reversed the data so that the higher the score, the higher the presence of the variable.

Workload: Two items, on a Likert scale from 1 (never) to 7 (all of the time), were used to measure homeworkers’ workload. The two items are as follows: “Does your job involve working to tight deadlines?” and “Does your job involve working at very high speed?”

Work-family conflict: Work-family conflict was measured using three items on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (never) to 5 (always). The items are as follows: “How often have you… 1) kept worrying about work when you were not working? 2) felt too tired after work to do some of the household jobs which need to be done? and 3) found that your job prevented you from giving the time you wanted to your family?”

Sleeping problems: Sleeping problems were measured using three items on a Likert scale of 5 points (from 1 = never to 5 = daily). Items required to indicate how often, in the last 12 months, respondents experienced sleep-related problems (“difficulty falling asleep,” “waking up repeatedly during the sleep,” or “waking up with a feeling of exhaustion and fatigue”).

Work engagement: A three-item version of the Utrecht Work Engagement Scale 55 measured employees’ work engagement. A 5-point Likert scale was used, from 1 (never) to 5 (always). The items are “At my work, I feel full of energy,” “I am enthusiastic about my job,” and “Time flies when I am working.”

Mental well-being: Mental well-being was measured using the Well-Being Index developed by the World Health Organization in 1998, popularly known as the WHO (5) well-being index. The scale consists of five items on a Likert scale of 6 points, from 1 (at no time) to 6 (all of the time). Samples of items are “Been feeling over the last 2 weeks—I have felt cheerful and in good spirits” and “Been feeling over the last 2 weeks—My daily life has been filled with things that interest me.”

Control variables: The frequency of homework has multiple effects on homeworkers’ well-being. 56,57 Therefore, we created a dichotomous variable distinguishing the respondents working at home less frequently (grouping together those who responded “several times a month” and “less often,” coded as 1, N low = 5821) or more frequently (grouping together those who responded “several times a week” and “daily,” coded as 2, N high = 5860). Afterward, we tested the direct influence of this variable on the dependent variables of the model.

Data Analysis

Before the other analyses, an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was run to check whether each item of the research instrument saturated in the factor theoretically related to it and to carry out a Harman single factor test to check for common method bias. 58 The EFA was conducted using the maximum likelihood and the Oblimin rotation.

To assess the measurement model and the structural validity of the measures, we ran two confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs), one grouping items in their expected factor and one grouping all the items in a single factor. To assess convergent and divergent validity and the reliability of the scales, we computed, respectively, the average variance extracted (AVE), the maximum shared variance (MSV), and composite reliability (CR). Cronbach alpha was computed for each variable in the study. Descriptive statistics and correlations among variables were then calculated.

Finally, the hypothesized model was investigated using structural equation modeling (SEM). We used the maximum likelihood in the SEM environment to estimate model parameters. We used Fornell and Larcker's 59 and Hair et al's 60 indications to evaluate models’ fit and to use appropriate cutoffs. Following Hair et al, 60 we favored measures such as Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) (cutoff, <0.08) and the incremental measures of Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and Tucker–Lewis Index (TLI) (cutoff, >0.90) over measures such as the χ 2 , unreliable in this case because of its high sensitivity to sample size, for evaluating the models’ goodness of fit. We used SPSS 27 and Mplus 8 to perform all analyses.

Sample Characteristics

The extraction, from the entire EWCS data set, of the employees engaged in partial or total work-from-home activities resulted in the consideration of 11,501 workers. Participants were, on average, 45.5 years old (SD, 12.9); 48% were female, and 52% were male. Employees working in the private sector were 65.5%, whereas 22.9% reported working in the public sector. The average work hours in a week, intended as the sum of work in the office and at home, was 38.3 (SD, 14.9). Three tenth of the participants (29.1%) worked daily from home; about one fifth of them (20.2%) answered having worked from home several times a week, and the remaining respondents (50.6%) worked from home less frequently. Table 1 summarizes the sociodemographic characteristics of the participants.

Exploratory Factor Analysis, CFAs, Validity, and Reliability of the Scales

The EFA showed no problems with the measurement instruments: the extracted five factors explained 67.05% of the variance, and each one was composed of the expected items with good factor loadings (minimum factor loading, 0.53). Harman single factor test, which forced the extraction of a single factor, demonstrated the absence of common method bias because the extracted single factor explained only 29.37% of the variance. After these preliminary analyses, we continued with the data analysis. Although we decided to test our research model using structural equations, following Hair et al, 60 we assessed the measurement model through CFAs. In particular, to exclude the absence of a common latent factor and assess the independence of the five measures, we conducted two CFAs, comparing a one-factor model grouping all the study items with a five-factor model in which each item saturated in its expected factor. The results showed that the one-factor model had a very poor fit ( χ 2 = 25,401.97; df = 104; P < 0.001; CFI = 0.56; TLI = 0.50; RMSEA = 0.15; Standardized Root Mean Squared Residual (SRMR) = 0.11). On the other hand, the fit of the five-factor model ( χ 2 = 2831.54; df = 94; P < 0.001; CFI = 0.95; TLI = 0.94; RMSEA = 0.05; SRMR = 0.04) was satisfying, implying structural validity of the model measures. For this model, all items reported saturation values in their factor higher than 0.50.

The minimum AVE score for the five scales was 0.46. Each value was greater than the corresponding MSV score (the highest MSV was 0.35). Furthermore, the square root of each AVE value was higher than the correlations between each considered variable and the other latent constructs, indicating discriminant validity. 59 All the CR values were over the 0.70 cutoff 60 and in the range 0.72 to 0.83, suggesting good reliability of the measures. Finally, according to Fornell and Larcker, 59 although AVE values were slightly lower than the 0.50 cutoff for three of the five study variables (AVE WFC = 0.46, AVE WENG = 0.49, and AVE W-BEING = 0.49), since CR was in every case higher than 0.60 (and 0.70), the convergent validity of the constructs has been considered adequate.

Cronbach Alphas, Descriptive Statistics, and Correlations Among Variables

Cronbach alphas for the five scales of the model showed values all above the threshold of 0.70, confirming excellent reliability of the model scales again. Together with means, standard deviations, and correlations, such values are reported in Table 2 .

The average workload reported by homeworkers tended toward high values (mean, 3.56; SD, 1.74), suggesting that homeworkers reported working with moderately tight deadlines and at a high pace. Homeworkers reported having experienced limited level of work-family conflict (mean, 2.60; SD, 0.90) and limited sleeping problems (mean, 2.18; SD, 1.00). On the other side, homeworkers were in many cases engaged with their work (mean, 4.00; SD, 0.67) and in a condition of mental well-being (mean, 4.59; SD, 0.96).

Focusing on the correlations, Table 2 shows that workload was positively correlated with work-family conflict ( r = 0.37, P < 0.001) and sleeping problems ( r = 0.17, P < 0.001), but negatively correlated with mental well-being ( r = −0.03, P = 0.003). Work-family conflict was positively correlated with sleeping problems ( r = 0.35, P < 0.001) and negatively correlated with mental well-being ( r = −0.28, P < 0.001). Sleeping problems had a significant negative association with work engagement ( r = −0.24, P < 0.001) and mental well-being ( r = −0.40, P < 0.001), whereas work engagement had a positive correlation with mental well-being ( r = 0.44, P < 0.001).

Model Testing

The hypothesized model was tested using SEM. In this model, the control variable of the frequency of homeworking was tested on the mediational variables of work-family conflict and work engagement, since no significant correlations were instead obtained between this control variable and, respectively, sleeping problems and mental well-being.

The model as a whole, with the errors of the variables work-family conflict and sleeping problems correlated to improve the closeness of the model to the reality described by data, reported an adequate fit ( χ 2 = 3022.73; df = 107; P < 0.001; CFI = 0.95; TLI = 0.94; RMSEA = 0.05; SRMR = 0.04). In addition, all the measured items reported saturation values greater than 0.50 in their latent factors, confirming the CFA results and the good validity of the measures. Figure 2 depicts the model results.

According to the model results, the relationship between homeworkers’ workload and mental well-being was small but positive ( β = 0.04, P = 0.001; confidence interval [CI], 0.02 to 0.06). Thus, H1 was not verified, since the hypothesized relationship is significant but, contrary to expectations, positive.

Workload significantly and positively influenced work-family conflict ( β = 0.50, P < 0.001; CI, 0.49 to 0.52; hypotheses H2a supported). In turn, work-family conflict negatively affected work engagement ( β = −0.15; P < 0.001; CI, −0.18 to −0.13) and mental well-being ( β = −0.13, P < 0.001; CI, −0.16 to −0.11). Thus, H2b and H2c were fully supported. Even H2d was supported, and Table 3 shows the indirect effect of homeworkers’ workload on mental well-being via work-family conflict ( β = −0.07; P < 0.001; CI, −0.08 to −0.05).

Regarding the hypotheses about sleeping problems, H3a was supported because homeworkers’ workload was positively related to sleeping problems ( β = 0.23; P < 0.001; CI, 0.21 to 0.25). Sleeping problems was negatively related to work engagement ( β = −0.30; P < 0.001; CI, −0.32 to −0.28) and mental well-being ( β = −0.28; P < 0.001; CI, −0.30 to −0.26), supporting also H3b and H3c. Furthermore, the indirect effect of homeworkers’ workload on mental well-being via sleeping problems was also significant ( β = −0.06; P < 0.001; CI, −0.07 to −0.06), supporting hypothesis H3d ( Table 3 ).

Finally, an unexpected result was observed between homeworkers’ workload and work engagement. Workload was positively, rather than negatively, related to work engagement ( β = 0.09, P < 0.001; CI, 0.07 to 0.11). Hence, hypothesis H4a was not supported, although the relationship is significant and opposite to the hypothesis. However, as expected, homeworkers’ work engagement significantly and positively affected mental well-being ( β = 0.47, P < 0.001; CI, 0.45 to 0.49), supporting hypothesis H4b. Homeworkers’ workload showed also an indirect effect on mental well-being via work engagement ( β = 0.04; P < 0.001; CI, 0.03 to 0.05) ( Table 3 ), supporting hypothesis H4c.

Indirect effects were then observed even in the two serial mediations. The mediations between workload and mental well-being via work-family conflict and work engagement ( β = −0.04; P < 0.001; CI, −0.04 to −0.03), and also that one via sleeping problems and work engagement ( β = −0.03; P < 0.001; CI, −0.04 to −0.03) were significant, thus supporting H4d and H4e.

Finally, the total indirect effect of workload on mental well-being, through the multiple mediators, as shown in Table 3 , was negative and significant ( β = −0.16; P < 0.001; CI, −0.17 to −0.14). Hence, the negative indirect effects of workload on mental well-being are higher than the positive direct effect of these two variables; as a result, the total effect of the relationship between workload and mental well-being, calculated as the sum of direct and indirect effects, is therefore negative ( β = −0.12; P < 0.001; CI, −0.14 to −0.10).

Lastly, the control variable of frequency of homeworking revealed significant relationships with the tested variables. Positive, although small, effects were found between frequency of homeworking and, respectively, work-family conflict ( β = 0.06 P < 0.001; CI, 0.05 to 0.08) and work engagement ( β = 0.06 P < 0.001; CI, 0.04 to 0.07).

This study used the COR theory as theoretical background to investigate the relationship between homeworkers’ workload and mental well-being and the mediating effect of work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement. In light of this approach, we expected that employees’ workload at home was positively related to work-family conflict and sleeping problems and negatively related to work engagement. Furthermore, we expected that work engagement was, in turn, negatively related to work-family conflict and sleeping problems and positively related to mental well-being.

Most of our study hypotheses were supported. Homeworkers’ workload positively affected work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and, surprisingly, work engagement and had a total negative effect on mental well-being.

The positive effect of the workload on work-family conflicts and sleeping problems was also observed in previous studies reporting the positive effect of workload on work-family conflict 30 and sleeping problems 15,23,61 in employees working at official sites of their organization. Our result extends findings observed in the official workplace to the field of homework and confirms the applicability of COR theory to homeworking. Investing time and energy resources to cope with an increased workload may result in the depletion of energy resources needed to balance work and family life and have a good quality of sleep, consequently affecting mental well-being resulting from the stress experienced from the loss of resources.

However, study findings also reveal an unexpected result by reporting a positive relationship between workload on work engagement. This unexpected finding, although small ( β = 0.09; P < 0.001; CI, 0.07 to 0.11), is contrary to the one found by Ladyshewsky and Taplin, 62 who reported that workload negatively affects work engagement. Although this result was unexpected, other studies support the evidence reported in this research, suggesting that workload may not always be harmful but, in some cases, may have a positive effect on work engagement. 43–45,63 In other words, the workload may not always have a detrimental effect on work engagement. Instead, the relationship between these two variables could be curvilinear in the homeworking context, as already observed in the usual workplace. 45

Considering that workload was positively related to work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and, at the same time, also positively related to work engagement, our findings support previous studies that identified workload both as a hindrance and a challenge stressor 44,63 that increases employees’ work engagement to completing their challenging work, while also impacting work-family conflict and sleeping problems that diminish employees’ energy. 43

Focusing on the relationship between workload and well-being, we point out that, although the direct relationship was small but positive ( β = 0.04; P = 0.001; CI, 0.01 to 05), the total effect of workload on mental well-being, as mentioned above, was instead significant and negative ( β = −0.12; P < 0.001; CI, −0.14 to −0.10), thus suggesting that the three mediators in our model contribute to establishing that too much workload is negative for homeworkers. Therefore, this suggests that intervening in those factors (work-family conflict, work engagement, and sleeping problems) could reduce the negative effect of the workload on homeworkers’ well-being.

The importance of those three mediators is also confirmed by the simple direct relationships they have with mental well-being. This study shows that work-family conflict is negatively related to work engagement and mental well-being, thus supporting prior studies on work engagement 28,32,34 and employees’ well-being 33,64 and extending those findings to homeworkers. Although other studies used different theoretical approaches, our results are also coherent with the spiral loss of resources of the COR theory. Sleeping problems experienced by homeworkers had a significant adverse effect on work engagement and well-being, consistently with previous studies conducted in other contexts. 36–39 Based on the COR theory’s desperation principle, homeworkers may be less inclined to invest more resources into their work task (work engagement) when their self-regulatory resources have not been fully replenished due to sleeping problems. 37 The loss of this resource, in turn, may explain the loss of the other resource, which is well-being. Thus, our study sheds light on the potential mechanism that the resource loss of time and energy due to high workload compromises sleep quality, leading to the loss of other resources such as well-being.

Finally, despite the frequency of homeworking was marginally related to work-family conflict and work engagement, this variable was not related to mental well-being * . However, we believe that this latter result is also an interesting research finding because it suggests that workers’ mental well-being is not related to the mere frequency of homeworking, but to characteristics of the task and the context in which homeworking is carried out. Nevertheless, we believe these results should be read with caution and also interpreted considering other studies that suggest a curvilinear relationship between frequency of homeworking and some worker satisfaction outcomes. 56,57

THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

In this study, we contributed to the literature on the relationship between workload and well-being in the context of homework by simultaneously exploring the mediational variables of work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement.

From a theoretical point of view, since research on the effect of workload on homeworkers’ well-being is limited, 15,16 we believe our findings, framed in the COR theory, 22 contribute to homeworking literature by showing that homeworkers’ workload has, on the whole, a negative impact on mental well-being and that workload contributes to increased work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and also work engagement that, in turn, affect mental well-being. This result is coherent with the resource caravans’ principle of the COR theory, which suggests that resources, or threats of resources, do not exist individually but travel in packs. 22 Thus, workload threatens mental well-being because it affects, at least, other two aspects that can become potential stressors, such as sleep and family relations.

Our results also show that workload is positively related to work engagement and positively related to mental well-being. Considering the second principle of the COR theory, which states that individuals invest resources to protect against resource loss, it seems that employees dedicate time, energy, and mental resources to work (in other words, become more engaged in their work) to compensate the adverse effects of the workload. Hobfoll et al 22 suggest that individuals, over time, learn how to adapt to stressors and how to use their resources effectively. Thus, a possible explanation of this result is that employees know that workload negatively impacts individual and family resources and, to mitigate such effects, they increase their work engagement to manage their work tasks, complete them quickly and effectively, and dedicate the remaining time to family duties or free time.

On the other side, our study also confirms that workload as a challenging or a hindrance stressor. 43–45 According to our results, the workload is related to both negative (increased work-family conflict and sleeping problems) and positive outcomes (work engagement), which confirms a complex relationship between workload and employees’ well-being that depends on the mediators included in the studies. Our findings suggest that workload is not only a threatening stressor but also a resource that enhances, through work engagement, employees’ mental well-being. Montani et al 45 observed that the relationships between workload and work engagement may be curvilinear. Thus, future studies should investigate under which conditions the positive sides of homework workload are observed and how positive and negative effects of workload coexist.

From a practical point of view, this research provides some insights that may help organizations and managers coordinate employees’ work. High amounts of workload are associated with work-family conflict and sleep problems, and these threaten the mental well-being of their employees, potentially affecting their effectiveness at work. On the other hand, we guess that a moderate extent of workload, compared with too low or too high, might enhance employees’ engagement with their work, leading them to feel better and, potentially, work better. Therefore, organizations should pay attention to employees’ workload and identify and avoid to assign tasks, with a too high or low workload to favor employees’ well-being and maximize their efforts.

Our study points out that offering homeworking alone may not be enough. Organizations implementing homeworking should also implement strategies to contain work-family conflict (eg, by considering employees’ childcare needs) and sleeping problems (eg, by promoting proper sleep-wake rhythms, including working on the proper use and correct timing of homework), as well as interventions aimed at fostering work engagement. Such organizational interventions seem promising directions to ensure that workload does not affect the mental well-being of homeworkers.

LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

This study has different limitations. In particular, it used a cross-sectional research design, which limits the causal inferences between study variables. In addition, the cross-sectional mediational analysis may show mediational effects that exaggerate indirect effects among study variables that are different from effects observed using longitudinal studies or multiwave design. 65 To lessen this limitation, we used a large sample size to diminish biases in regression estimates because of measurement errors. 66 Furthermore, we point out that the study design does not exclude the possibility of reverse mediations between the investigated variables. For these reasons, future research may use a longitudinal design approach to more appropriately support the evidence found here.

Furthermore, another major limitation of the study is that data were collected before the COVID-19 pandemic. Although there are no rational reasons to think about changes in the tested relationships, future studies should verify if, in a postpandemic scenario, the conclusions drawn may still be applicable. Finally, we point out that this study used self-reported measures. Thus, they may lead to exaggeration or understatement on the part of the participants opening up to the tendency of common method bias, which may compromise the study's validity. Therefore, future studies using multirater measures should address this issue.

The present study sheds light on the underlying mechanisms of workload affecting employees’ mental well-being. Findings suggest that the workload experienced by homeworkers is related to work-family conflict, sleeping problems, and work engagement, which, in turn, affect mental well-being. This study contributes to the literature by providing new evidence on the relationship between workload and well-being, offering insights for academic research and organizational interventions on the complex relationship between workload and well-being in homeworkers. We conclude that organizations just offering homeworking without considering needs and duties when working at home are not enough to improve the well-being of homeworkers. Further work on appropriate home working conditions (eg, workload) may represent a good step forward to achieve the purpose of homeworking and improve homeworkers’ well-being. Hence, the present study offered significant knowledge and empirical evidence to help organizational policymakers and managers on the need to pay critical attention to employees’ workload during homeworking.

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* Note: Although not included in our hypotheses, following the suggestion of a reviewer, we tested “frequency of homeworking” using a multigroup approach to highlight potential differences in the model in low- or high-frequency homeworking conditions. The results of this multigroup analysis are not included in this article because they confirmed that all relationships in the research model were significant and, in the same direction, in the low- and high-frequency homeworking conditions. These results are anyway available upon request to the corresponding author.

homework; workload; work-family conflict; sleeping problems; work engagement; mental well-being

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Education scholar Denise Pope has found that too much homework has negative effects on student well-being and behavioral engagement. (Image credit: L.A. Cicero)

A Stanford researcher found that too much homework can negatively affect kids, especially their lives away from school, where family, friends and activities matter.

“Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good,” wrote Denise Pope , a senior lecturer at the Stanford Graduate School of Education and a co-author of a study published in the Journal of Experimental Education .

The researchers used survey data to examine perceptions about homework, student well-being and behavioral engagement in a sample of 4,317 students from 10 high-performing high schools in upper-middle-class California communities. Along with the survey data, Pope and her colleagues used open-ended answers to explore the students’ views on homework.

Median household income exceeded $90,000 in these communities, and 93 percent of the students went on to college, either two-year or four-year.

Students in these schools average about 3.1 hours of homework each night.

“The findings address how current homework practices in privileged, high-performing schools sustain students’ advantage in competitive climates yet hinder learning, full engagement and well-being,” Pope wrote.

Pope and her colleagues found that too much homework can diminish its effectiveness and even be counterproductive. They cite prior research indicating that homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night, and that 90 minutes to two and a half hours is optimal for high school.

Their study found that too much homework is associated with:

* Greater stress: 56 percent of the students considered homework a primary source of stress, according to the survey data. Forty-three percent viewed tests as a primary stressor, while 33 percent put the pressure to get good grades in that category. Less than 1 percent of the students said homework was not a stressor.

* Reductions in health: In their open-ended answers, many students said their homework load led to sleep deprivation and other health problems. The researchers asked students whether they experienced health issues such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss and stomach problems.

* Less time for friends, family and extracurricular pursuits: Both the survey data and student responses indicate that spending too much time on homework meant that students were “not meeting their developmental needs or cultivating other critical life skills,” according to the researchers. Students were more likely to drop activities, not see friends or family, and not pursue hobbies they enjoy.

A balancing act

The results offer empirical evidence that many students struggle to find balance between homework, extracurricular activities and social time, the researchers said. Many students felt forced or obligated to choose homework over developing other talents or skills.

Also, there was no relationship between the time spent on homework and how much the student enjoyed it. The research quoted students as saying they often do homework they see as “pointless” or “mindless” in order to keep their grades up.

“This kind of busy work, by its very nature, discourages learning and instead promotes doing homework simply to get points,” Pope said.

She said the research calls into question the value of assigning large amounts of homework in high-performing schools. Homework should not be simply assigned as a routine practice, she said.

“Rather, any homework assigned should have a purpose and benefit, and it should be designed to cultivate learning and development,” wrote Pope.

High-performing paradox

In places where students attend high-performing schools, too much homework can reduce their time to foster skills in the area of personal responsibility, the researchers concluded. “Young people are spending more time alone,” they wrote, “which means less time for family and fewer opportunities to engage in their communities.”

Student perspectives

The researchers say that while their open-ended or “self-reporting” methodology to gauge student concerns about homework may have limitations – some might regard it as an opportunity for “typical adolescent complaining” – it was important to learn firsthand what the students believe.

The paper was co-authored by Mollie Galloway from Lewis and Clark College and Jerusha Conner from Villanova University.

Media Contacts

Denise Pope, Stanford Graduate School of Education: (650) 725-7412, [email protected] Clifton B. Parker, Stanford News Service: (650) 725-0224, [email protected]

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Students who are chronically absent from school are much more likely to struggle with mental health challenges, with pre-teen boys and teen girls reporting some of the highest signs of distress.

When students need help, availability of mental health support often depends on the income of families. “As household income increased, so did the availability of mental health services” in children’s schools, University of Southern California researchers found in a survey of 2,500 households nationwide.

Their findings are part of an in-depth report on the continuing national school absenteeism crisis in which 25% of students, or about 12 million children, across 42 states and Washington, D.C., were chronically absent in the 2022-23 school year. That rate remains higher than the pre-pandemic national rate of 15%.

EDITORS NOTE

This in-depth report on chronic absenteeism is part of an EdSource partnership with the Associated Press and Stanford Professor Thomas Dee.

For earlier coverage, go to EdSource’s  Getting Students Back to School .

— Rose Ciotta, investigations and projects editor

While California saw a decrease of 5 percentage points in chronic absenteeism during the same school year, to 24.9%, districts statewide are still struggling to get all students back to school .

“Chronic absenteeism in California is still twice what it was prior to the pandemic, and roughly 1 in 4 kids in public schools are chronically absent. That is just really striking and is a serious barrier to achieving academic recovery for this generation of students who were so harmed by the pandemic,” said Thomas Dee, a Stanford University education professor and economist who gathered nationwide data in collaboration with The Associated Press and the release of the USC research.

Emotional and behavioral problems also have kept kids home from school. University of Southern California research shared exclusively with AP found strong relationships between absenteeism and poor mental health.

For example, in the USC study, almost a quarter of chronically absent kids had high levels of emotional or behavioral problems, according to a parent questionnaire, compared with just 7% of kids with good attendance. Emotional symptoms among teen girls were especially linked with missing lots of school.

Families with the lowest incomes reported a much higher rate of using mental health services if they were offered to their children in school — more than five times higher than those with the highest incomes. And, crucially, the researchers also found that 1 in 5 respondents would have used mental health services if they were made available at their school, with higher rates among Black and Hispanic families who were surveyed.

“There is tremendous opportunity here for schools to increase the offerings but also, if they have the offerings, to increase the outreach to the kids and the families that need it because there is clearly an unmet need,” said Amie Rapaport , who co-authored the report and is the co-director of Center for Economic and Social Research at USC.

‘I had a very bad year’

If Jennifer Hwang’s son made it to his first grade classroom, it was rarely without a fight.

He struggled with severe attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and Hwang says his teacher’s habit of discarding art work in front of him would spike his anxiety, leading to violent outbursts and refusing to even get in the car or walk onto campus.

“I thought I would have a good year in first grade, but I didn’t,” said her son, 8, whose name Hwang declined to share to protect his privacy. “I had a very bad year.”

The absences began piling up during the second semester of that 2022-23 school year; he started missing two to three days most weeks. He soon became chronically absent, meaning he missed at least 40 days total. That classified him as chronically absent because he had missed at least 10% or more days in one school year. He began to see a therapist outside the L.A. Unified district.

UPCOMING ROUndtable

Addressing chronic absenteeism.

Join EdSource on  Aug. 28  at  2 p.m.  for a roundtable discussion on the impact of chronic absenteeism on schools and families, and hear about the latest in research, data and solutions.

Panelists include Thomas Dee, professor of education at Stanford University, who has collaborated with the Associated Press to collect attendance data from states nationwide, and Amie Rapaport, a research scientist at USC and co-author of a research report on school absenteeism.

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Hwang tried getting her son an individualized education program (IEP), which would grant him access to school-based counseling services given his ADHD diagnosis. But because her son’s academic performance was up to par, the school said he didn’t need it.

She also inquired about him seeing a child psychologist who went to his Riverside Drive Charter campus in Sherman Oaks once or twice a week — but the waitlists were too long. Because he was already seeing a therapist outside of school, Hwang gave up on pressing for school resources.

The USC report published Thursday highlights that pre-teen boys, which includes children ages 5 to 12, are struggling significantly with symptoms of hyperactivity and conduct problems, while teen girls, ages 13 to 17, are struggling most with emotional symptoms, such as depression and anxiety.

Morgan Polikoff, a co-author of the USC report, said they cannot confirm there is “a cause and effect here,” noting that the correlation between chronic absenteeism and mental health challenges could “go both directions.”

“In reality, it’s probably both ways. There’s probably some kids for whom increasing anxiety is leading them to stay home, and there’s probably kids who are missing a lot of school and that’s increasing their anxiety. So it probably is bi-directional or multi-directional,” Rapaport agreed.

Both the USC researchers and Dee advocated for more research to better understand the causes of persistently high chronic absenteeism rates.

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Last year, for second grade, everything changed, Hwang said, largely thanks to a teacher who adapted assignments to suit her son’s social-emotional needs and incorporated “brain breaks” into the school day, which Hwang’s son said helped him concentrate.

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“She understood him. She knew that he was bright and he felt things much more deeply, and he saw things differently and with a very different perspective,” Hwang said. “She allowed him to feel heard.”

“One day (his teacher told me), ‘Oh, my goodness, your son just gave me a hug!’ Hwang said. “That doesn’t come cheap because he does not give out hugs very often. So that he actually hugged the teacher … that says a lot.”

Hwang and her family aren’t sure what third grade will bring, but they were able to at least secure a 504, a type of plan that helps level the playing field for students with disabilities, so her son could have access to a special chair and space to doodle.

LAUSD, the second-largest school district in the nation, has struggled with high rates of chronic absenteeism since the onset of the pandemic. Nearly 33% of their over 400,000 students were chronically absent during the 2022-23 school year , down from about 40% the previous year.

Most recently, in 2023-24, preliminary data shows their rate is hovering at 32.3%, a spokesperson said.

Still not enough

LAUSD has increased its staffing of social workers and pupil attendance workers, but staffers say it’s just not enough.

“We have what we can afford at this point — more than ever before — but still not at an appropriate ratio that I think this board, or myself, would feel comfortable,” Superintendent Alberto Carvalho said at a news conference Monday.

Carvalho described the district’s staffing as “an unprecedented network” but did not specify how much staffing had increased.

Ofelia Sofia Ryan is one of LAUSD’s roughly 400 pupil services and attendance counselors who are on the front lines helping get chronically absent students connected with mental health resources and Medi-Cal so they can get back to school.

This year, the 20-year district veteran works in five elementary schools, including Orchard Academies in the city of Bell.

“Poverty is the No. 1 issue. Financial issues are … second — the inability of a parent to monitor because they are having two jobs, which also relates to the poverty issue,” Ryan said. “Mental health, I would say that will be maybe next.”

Darlene Rivas, one of the district’s 800 psychiatric social workers (PSWs), is assigned to two East Los Angeles elementary schools: William R. Anton and Lorena Street.

“We have to be team players because it can’t just be one person,” Rivas said. “I think that’s why you see a lot of exhaustion within PSW professionals.”

There is a long waitlist for students in need of therapy, she said. If a parent can’t make it to an initial appointment, it can take months to reschedule.

Adding staffing can come from school funding, but there are competing demands.

This year Ryan said she started on an LAUSD campus two days a week. At the last minute, “boom,” they dropped a day, she said.

“That’s very unfair, because (the district tells) you, on one hand, mental health matters, attendance matters. You’re working your butt off to get attendance improved. I improved attendance in all my schools. Everything was done by the book, and then (the school) just took the money away,” said Ryan. “You cannot do anything. You are powerless.”

Carvalho regularly touts the district’s iAttend program, where he, among others, visits the homes of chronically absent students to coax them back to school. The district made more than 34,000 home visits last school year, contributing to a more than 4 percentage point decrease in chronic absenteeism, according to the district.

What the public doesn’t know is how much work it takes after the house visit to get the child back in school, Ryan said.

Local barriers require local solutions

Researchers like Dee offer advice for lowering chronic absenteeism rates: “Be acutely aware of the problem” and “look to the really local barriers.”

That advice appears to be playing out successfully farther north, in Placer County, where more and more of Roseville City School District’s 12,000 students are attending school regularly each year.

Placer’s 2023-24 absenteeism rate is expected to be about 11% — nearly double what it was pre-pandemic. But that is down from 20% in 2022-23 and 26% in 2021-22.

School staff have found the two main reasons for the absences are “misinformation and a lot of struggle,” said Jessica Hull, the district’s executive director of communication and community engagement. They zeroed in on these top reasons by closely tracking absenteeism over several years with their attendance system plus a notification system managed by a third-party team, SchoolStatus , that they hired specifically to address chronic absences.

The misinformation largely centers on families being unsure of whether to send a child to school when they are sick, not knowing they can rely on independent study if the family is going on a lengthy vacation, or not understanding the importance of enrolling in pre-kindergarten known as TK.

This misinformation is part of what Dee and other researchers are calling “norm erosion.”

“The learning experiences of families and students during the pandemic, in particular the experience of remote schooling, may have reduced the perceived value of regular school attendance among students and parents,” said Dee.

He cautioned against blaming parents for the erosion, saying that “we’re in a crisis now that merits immediate attention and perhaps a little less finger-pointing.”

The struggles that Hull, from Roseville, said families face are often mental health challenges, particularly with middle schoolers, or families with unmet basic needs, such as unstable housing.

One of their solutions to both barriers has been constant check-ins with those chronically absent students in order to offer resources, such as access to mental health specialists, gas cards to families facing transportation issues, and offering families bags of food from the local food bank.

Another help is clearly explaining the notices behind their child being absent . “Schools are all about the acronym and all about words that no one else understands, so we start sending letters home and talking about truancy and chronically truant and excused absence and unexcused absence — all of that’s a mess,” Hull said.

Instead, parents can expect to see at schools half-sheets of card stock paper explaining the terms and printed in five languages from English to Ukrainian to Pashto.

“It’s really trying to remove that language barrier when we are talking jargon, and they’re just saying, ‘my kid needs help, we need help figuring out how to get them to school,’” Hull said.

In Oakland, districtwide efforts include creating a sense of belonging. Oakland’s African American Male Achievement project , for example, pairs Black students with Black teachers who offer support.

Kids who identify with their educators are more likely to attend school, said Michael Gottfried, a University of Pennsylvania professor. According to one study led by Gottfried, California students felt “it’s important for me to see someone who’s like me early on, first thing in the day,” he said.

The Associated Press contributed to this story.

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el 3 days ago 3 days ago

We absolutely need more mental health resources in schools, and for all kids of all income levels. In rural areas, there are very few providers, and to take your child to a provider is going to involve missing multiple hours of school. For a typical once a week cadence of appointments, this is a big problem for both the parent and for the student's progress in school. Providers really only have 5 after school appointments a … Read More

We absolutely need more mental health resources in schools, and for all kids of all income levels.

In rural areas, there are very few providers, and to take your child to a provider is going to involve missing multiple hours of school. For a typical once a week cadence of appointments, this is a big problem for both the parent and for the student’s progress in school. Providers really only have 5 after school appointments a week, right?

Those few providers prioritize the most acute cases… which means the other kids do not get services, or they don’t get services until they are in crisis.

Having space in school means kids aren’t wasting their valuable time in transit, it means parents can focus on their work and not take on the additional stress of trying to arrange midday transportation, and it just makes the whole process easier. And if those professionals have a few free hours, there are plenty of things for them to do in a school that include working with small groups or even just getting the chance to observe the kids they are working with directly in the classroom or playground.

It’s clear to me that the number one reason kids don’t come to school is because they won’t be comfortable there. That could be because they’re sick with a virus, but all the pressures from social interactions or expectations are a factor too, creating additional patterns of anxiety on top of any other existing issues. Helping students with strategies to deal with those pressures is critical to academic and life success, and a teacher with 30 kids in the classroom has neither the bandwidth nor the training to really address those issues.

The observation that kids miss due to anxiety and then have anxiety due to missing school is also very on point. I’d urge all educators to be thoughtful about ensuring that they are not adding to that in their interactions with students on the first day they return.

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The Impact of Working from Home on Mental Health: A Cross-Sectional Study of Canadian Worker’s Mental Health during the Third Wave of the COVID-19 Pandemic

Aidan bodner.

1 Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC V5A 1S6, Canada

Arti Shridhar

Shayna skakoon-sparling.

2 Department of Psychology, Toronto Metropolitan University (Formerly Ryerson), Toronto, ON M5B 2K3, Canada

Kiffer George Card

3 Institute for Social Connection, Victoria, BC V8P 5C2, Canada

Associated Data

Data used in the study analysis is stored and available on the OSF Repository ( https://osf.io/87vgs/ , accessed on 3 August 2022).

The COVID-19 pandemic has seen a considerable expansion in the way work settings are structured, with a continuum emerging between working fully in-person and from home. The pandemic has also exacerbated many risk factors for poor mental health in the workplace, especially in public-facing jobs. Therefore, we sought to test the potential relationship between work setting and self-rated mental health. To do so, we modeled the association of work setting (only working from home, only in-person, hybrid) on self-rated mental health (Excellent/Very Good/Good vs. Fair/Poor) in an online survey of Canadian workers during the third wave of COVID-19. The mediating effects of vaccination, masking, and distancing were explored due to the potential effect of COVID-19-related stress on mental health among those working in-person. Among 1576 workers, most reported hybrid work (77.2%). Most also reported good self-rated mental health (80.7%). Exclusive work from home (aOR: 2.79, 95%CI: 1.90, 4.07) and exclusive in-person work (aOR: 2.79, 95%CI: 1.83, 4.26) were associated with poorer self-rated mental health than hybrid work. Vaccine status mediated only a small proportion of this relationship (7%), while masking and physical distancing were not mediators. We conclude that hybrid work arrangements were associated with positive self-rated mental health. Compliance with vaccination, masking, and distancing recommendations did not meaningfully mediate this relationship.

1. Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated many risk factors for poor mental health in the workplace. As this pandemic has intensified, with rising cases and deaths globally, so too have feelings of worry and fear in response to ongoing COVID-19 community transmission [ 1 , 2 ]. Studies from across the world have demonstrated that many workers are afraid of contracting and transmitting COVID-19 while at work [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Fear is an adaptive defense mechanism for humans when confronted with a risk or danger, however chronic fear can lead to adverse mental health outcomes and behaviours. In the COVID-19 pandemic, fear of COVID-19 has been associated with depression, anxiety, and even impaired job performance [ 5 ]. A Canadian study from May 2020 reported that mental health has worsened since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, due in large part to economic uncertainty and fear of illness [ 7 ]. Notably, these negative mental health effects have largely been observed in work settings that are predominantly public-facing and more exposed to viral transmission [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ].

Alongside healthcare workers, many low-wage service workers have been deemed essential workers in Canada, and like other front-facing workers at the start of the pandemic, these workers have not always had access to safe working environments [ 3 , 13 ]. At several points in the pandemic, many workers had to attend in-person positions without widespread availability of COVID-19 vaccines or public health mandates, effectively exposing them to anxiety-provoking environments. The pandemic has also heightened burdens that impact mental health among essential workers, including: adopting caretaking roles of vulnerable family members; choosing between working through illness or taking time off and facing financial losses when sick; lower job security; reduced income; greater risk of contracting COVID-19; and slashed work hours [ 10 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ]. These burdens intersect with other socio-demographic factors. For example, ethnic minorities and recent immigrants in Canada are more likely to work in low-wage, public-facing positions, which highlights health equity concerns given the increased risk for COVID-19 transmission and accompanying mental health disorders in this population [ 18 , 19 ].

While mental health risks are well-known among public-facing workers, it is less clear what the mental health impacts are on workers who have been able to transition to working from home. Workers at home may experience a more complex impact of their work settings on their mental health, despite having a generally lower risk situation [ 20 , 21 , 22 ]. Although much of the research studying teleworks impacts on workers mental health during the pandemic is ongoing, several studies have already shed light on this relationship. For example, some research has shown that workers who were more afraid of COVID-19 were more productive when working from home [ 23 ]. When faced with going back to in-person work, many workers anticipate negative impacts specifically due to concerns about COVID-19 safety [ 24 ]. Conversely, telework during the pandemic has also been associated with increases in social isolation and work stress [ 23 , 25 ], family conflict [ 22 , 23 ], distractions [ 22 , 23 ], as well as food and alcohol consumption [ 22 , 26 ]—which can all negatively impact the mental health of workers [ 22 ]. A recent study from Portugal has shown that employees working from home felt like they needed to appear online and in touch with their colleagues more often, correlating depression, anxiety and stress [ 25 ].

The literature exploring differences in mental health outcomes between workers in public-facing occupations and those working from home in Canada has been sparse [ 13 , 27 ]. One study conducted in the first half of 2020 measured anxiety and depression symptoms through Generalized Anxiety Disorder 2-item (GAD-2) and Patient Health Questionaire-2 (PHQ-2) screeners. These objective measures of mental health contribute only to a narrow understanding of mental health in relation to overall wellbeing. Similarly, most of the current research has examined telework during the first waves of COVID-19. Although useful, this work may not fully capture the impact that novel interventions such as vaccines and mask mandates have on the mental health of workers. Unlike during the first waves of the pandemic, Canadians now have access to free vaccines and masks; and other risk mitigation approaches (e.g., physical distancing, ventilation) are better understood by the public. These measures may, therefore, mitigate the fear of COVID-19 and its associated stress for people working in public, front-facing jobs [ 3 ]. Conversely, we have also experienced a slow relaxation of public health orders which enforced COVID-19 protection behaviours, such as social distancing, vaccine, and mask mandates, which may increase feelings of fear or anxiety about returning to work. Thus, there is a need to explore this area further.

Furthermore, the first doses of the vaccine rollout for the general population in Canada were underway during the third wave of the pandemic in 2021, bringing about another layer of nuance to consider when assessing mental health of [ 28 ]. This development added complexity in both negative and positive directions via the potential for increased apprehension and vaccine hesitancy, as well as the potential for reduced mental distress as a result of the sense of protection offered by the vaccine [ 29 , 30 ]. Reduced mental distress due to the availability of COVID-19 vaccines may have also been more likely due to the mentally taxing events of the first and second waves which saw an overwhelmed healthcare system, deaths in long-term care facilities, and socially isolating lockdown measures [ 31 , 32 , 33 ].

Presently, at the end of the sixth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic has seen jurisdictions move further away from public health orders, following roll-outs of third doses for the majority of working age adults in response to the Omicron variant [ 34 , 35 ]. It remains unclear how the ongoing need for vaccine uptake and the turbulent nature of the pandemic will impact mental health. Moreover, as many companies and organizations transitioned large numbers of staff to working from home or a hybrid of working from home and in-person work during earlier waves of the pandemic, this work will be relevant for both employers and policy makers respectively to assess the costs and benefits of different arrangements as workplaces largely return to in-person work. Determining the extent of any differences in mental health related to work-from-home status has clear health equity implications for employers and policy makers to ensure best practices throughout the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, as well as for future public health crises. As COVID-19 risks continue to the present day—particularly with risks such as long-COVID and unmitigated Omicron infection—it has become important to understand mental health differences according to where participants are working.

This study used survey data collected during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada [ 36 ] to examine whether there were any differences in self-rated mental health based on work setting and if so, what contributes to these differences? The dataset provided a unique opportunity to explore the nuances of self-rated mental health, and thus, bivariable and multivariable logistic regression models were used to test the hypothesis that mental health status is poorer among individuals who are not working from home. Additionally, physical distancing and mask wearing, which have been common practice since the onset of the pandemic, will be tested as mediators due to their potential for combating pandemic-related stressors related to concerns about COVID-19 transmission [ 37 ]. A mediation analysis tested whether COVID-19 vaccination, physical distancing, and mask adherence—due to their effectiveness as COVID-19 mitigation measures—had significant and protective effects on self-rated mental health. In conducting these analyses, we hypothesized that people working from home or engaging in hybrid work arrangements had better self-rated mental health than those working exclusively in-person. We further hypothesized that the exposure to COVID-19, as reflected in lack of compliance with public safety COVID-19 prevention guidelines, would partially mediate the association between working from home and worse self-rated mental health.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. study data.

The study utilized the Canadian Social Connection Survey (CSCS) dataset, which collected data from 21 April to 1 June 2021. The survey was circulated on the internet using paid advertising on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Google. Participants were eligible if they were Canadian residents and 16 years of age or older. Ethics approval was granted by the University of Victoria Research Ethics Board (Ethics Protocol Number 21-0115) [ 36 ]. All participants provided informed consent and were able to complete the questionnaire in English or French. Given the need to determine mental health effects in various work settings, the dataset allows for a comprehensive exploration. Inclusion for the current study was conditional on whether a respondent indicated that they were working during the COVID-19 pandemic.

A total of 2286 eligible participants completed the survey. Of these, 1917 were working during the COVID-19 pandemic. We excluded participants with missing observations on the primary outcome (i.e., self-rated mental health) and primary exposure variable (i.e., amount of work from home during COVID-19); thus, the analytic sample size for this analysis was 1576.

2.2. Study Measures

2.2.1. outcome variable.

Respondents’ self-rated mental health was the primary outcome variable for the study. This variable has previously shown a positive correlation to other mental health morbidity measures [ 38 ], but should not be conflated with other more specific diagnostic categories such as depression or anxiety [ 39 , 40 ]. Indeed, as a more global and subjective measure, many authors consider self-rated mental health as a more holistic measure of mental health outcomes which allows for a broad range of mental health issues to be captured [ 38 , 41 ], including mental health problems that are developing but which are not captured by more clinical mental health indicators [ 40 ]. Participants evaluated their current mental health on a Likert scale (At the present time, would you say your MENTAL HEALTH is: “Poor”, “Fair”, “Good”, “Very good”, or “Excellent”) (see Supplementary Materials File S1 ). The variable was dichotomized to “Negative Self-Rated Mental Health” (“Poor” and “Fair”) and “Positive Self-Rated Mental Health” (“Good”, “Very good”, and “Excellent”). This was deemed to be an acceptable (if not conservative) approach to capture a general sense of mental health status based on precedent from previous studies using self-rated mental health [ 38 ]—allowing us to explicitly identify factors associated with sub-optimal (i.e., fair or poor) mental health.

2.2.2. Primary Explanatory Variable

Work setting (listed as work_from_home in the dataset) was the primary explanatory variable for the study. The variable measured how often participants worked from home (“Not Working During COVID”, “Not at all”, “Very little of the time”, “Some of the time”, “Most of the time”, and “All of the time”). The levels “Very little of the time”, “Some of the time”, and “Most of the time” were collapsed into a single level—“Hybrid”. “Not at all” was recoded as “Do Not Work from Home” and “All of the time” was recoded as “Work from Home Only”. These levels allowed for a continuum of working from home to be represented. Participants who reported not working during COVID-19 were removed from analyses as our goal was to explore the effects among Canadian workers who were currently employed.

2.2.3. Confounding Variables

Other explanatory variables related to employment, adherence to COVID-19 mitigation measures, income, and identity were controlled for in multivariable analysis. This allowed us to isolate the effects of demographic and socio-economic factors which may otherwise play an important role in self-rated mental health while also being correlated with work setting. The included variables were household income (originally collected in increments of CAD 10,000, but binned into four groups capturing low, lower-middle, middle, and upper income groups: Less than CAD 30,000, CAD 30,000 to CAD 59,999, CAD 60,000 to CAD 89,999, CAD 90,000 or more), age (18 to 29 years-old, 30 to 39 years-old, 40 to 49 years-old, 50 to 59 years old, 60 years and older), gender (Male, Non-binary, Woman), ethnicity (White; African, Caribbean, or Black; Asian; Indigenous; Middle Eastern; Other), educational attainment (High School Diploma or Lower, Bachelor’s Degree or Higher, Some College), hours worked per week (participant-reported numeric value), national occupation class (Art, culture, recreation and sport; Business; Education, law and social, community, and government services; Health; Management; Manufacturing and utilities; Natural and applied sciences; Natural resources and agriculture; Sales and service; Trades, transport and equipment operators).

In addition to these conventional confounding variables, several additional variables were selected based on their potential to mediate the relationship between self-reported mental health and work setting. COVID-19 vaccine status and adherence to mask and/or physical distancing recommendations were identified as particularly important factors with mediation potential. These concepts were measured by asking to what extent participants wore masks in public (“Not at all”, “Somewhat”, “Very Closely”), to what extent participants practice physical distancing in public (“Not at all”, “Somewhat”, “Very Closely”), and whether participants were vaccinated (“No”, “Yes, one dose”, “Yes, two doses”).

2.3. Statistical Analysis

All statistical analyses were performed using R Statistical Software version 4.1.1 (R Foundation for Statistical Computing, Vienna, Austria) [ 42 ]; DescTools and regclass packages were used to assist in model assessment and fitting [ 43 , 44 ]; the mice package was used for multiple imputations of missing observations [ 45 ]; and the mediation package was used for mediation analysis [ 46 ]. Missing observations on the remaining variables were imputed using multiple imputation in the mice package [ 45 ].

An initial multivariable binary logistic regression model ( Supplementary Materials File S1 ), with the outcome variable of self-rated mental health and primary explanatory variable of work setting, was constructed with 30 confounding variables. The final multivariable model was developed by running a backwards selection process favouring the model with lowest Akaike Information Criterion [ 47 ]. This process was balanced by supplementing the model with variables critical to understanding the relationship between work-setting and self-rated mental health that the backwards selection process had excluded. McFadden’s Pseudo R 2 and variance inflation factor were assessed for reasonability of model fit and collinearity, with variables exhibiting collinearity removed to arrive at a final multivariable model. Bivariable logistic regression models were constructed from the newly developed study sample between all explanatory variables and the outcome variable.

Mediation analysis was followed firstly via Baron and Kenney’s (1986) steps for determining mediation via logistic regression models and secondly by utilizing the mediate package in R with bootstrapping enabled [ 48 , 49 ]. The mediate package explicitly allows for handling of binary and logistic measures outside of a linear framework, while Baron and Kenney’s (1986) steps provide a process for reviewing bivariable and multivariable models, which has helped us to evaluate the associations between our primary exposure and outcome, primary exposure and mediator, mediator and outcome, and primary exposure while controlling for the mediator and outcome. The mediate function was then used for more rigorous tests of indirect (mediation) effects on the outcome variable [ 49 ].

3.1. Sample Overview

2286 respondents were initially included. However, 370 indicated they were not currently employed and of the remaining 1916 employed respondents, 340 were missing data on our primary measures. This resulted in 1576 participants eligible for analysis. Descriptive statistics, stratified by self-rated mental health, are presented in Table 1 . The study sample predominantly reported positive self-rated mental health (80.7%) with the majority of participants in both outcome groups responding that they work both from home and in person (hybrid); however, a greater proportion (46%) of those not working from home reported negative self-rated mental health compared to those in other work setting configurations ( Figure 1 ). In terms of demographics, 41.8% were 18 to 29 years-old; 49.9% identified as a man; 65.5% were White; 36.0% earned between CAD 30,000 and CAD 59,000 in 2020; and 51.0% had a Bachelor’s degree or higher. The average number of reported hours worked per week was 23.87; 19.9% worked in sales and service; 53.7% indicated they very closely practice physically distancing 2 metres from others; 72.8% reported very closely adhering to wearing masks in public; and 56.8% had received one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine.

Work Setting and Self-Rated Mental Health.

Sample Characteristics Stratified by Self-Rated Mental Health.

3.2. Regression Analysis

Bivariable associations were investigated between all explanatory variables and self-rated mental health ( Table 2 ). Associations between self-rated mental health and work setting were significant among people not working from home as well as those exclusively working from home. These groups had respectively 5.70 (95% Confidence Interval [95% CI]: 3.98, 8.15) and 3.97 (95% CI: 2.85, 5.52) greater odds of negative self-rated mental health as compared to people working in hybrid arrangements. Other significant bivariable associations with negative self-rated mental health were age (all ages over 40 years-old versus those 18 to 29 years-old) and being non-binary or a woman (vs. a man). Positive self-rated mental health was significantly associated with African, Caribbean, or Black ethnicity (vs. White) and Indigenous ethnicity (vs. White); having some college education or a Bachelor’s degree or higher (vs. high school diploma or lower); employment in business, health, management, natural and applied sciences, or trades, transport and equipment operations (vs. sales and services); and having one or two doses of a COVID-19 vaccine (vs. not having received a COVID-19 vaccine).

Bivariable and Multivariable Logistic Regression Models.

Numeric bolding: Indicates statistical significance.

In the multivariable model, after controlling for potential confounders, negative self-rated mental health retained the association with not working from home (Adjusted Odds Ratio [aOR]: 2.79, 95% CI: 1.83, 4.26) and working from home exclusively (aOR: 2.79, 95% CI: 1.90, 4.07) versus hybrid work. Furthermore, negative self-rated mental health was significantly associated with increasing hours worked per week, being 40 years or older (vs. 18 to 29 years-old), identifying as non-binary (vs. man), Middle Eastern or Other ethnicity (vs. White), Conversely, positive self-rated mental health was associated with employment in business, health, management, natural and applied sciences, or trades, transport and equipment operations (vs. sales and services); and having two doses of a COVID-19 vaccine (vs. not having received any).

3.3. Mediation Analysis

Table 3 illustrates the results of the mediation analyses for each of the three COVID-19 prevention factors. Vaccination status was found to be a statistically significant mediator ( p = 0.02), mediating approximately 7% of the relationship between work setting and self-rated mental health; mask wearing ( p = 0.76) and physical distancing ( p = 0.20) were not found to significantly mediate the relationship. In the mediation analyses for vaccination status, the first part of the pathway between work setting and self-rated mental health, when adjusting for having received a COVID-19 vaccine, shows not working from home is significantly associated with negative self-rated mental health (aOR: 3.91, 95% CI: 2.74, 5.56). The next part of the pathway between work setting and having received a COVID-19 vaccine indicates people not working from home had lower odds of having at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine (OR: 0.52, 95% CI: 0.39, 0.70). The last part of the pathway shows a significant association between having received a COVID-19 vaccine and positive self-rated mental health (OR: 0.30, 95% CI: 0.21, 0.43).

Relationship between Work Setting (Ref = At least some of the time (Hybrid/Work from home only)), Mediators (Vaccination Status (Ref = No), Adherence to Mask Wearing Recommendations (Ref = Not at all), and Adherence to Physical Distancing Recommendations (Ref = Not at all)), and Self-Rated Mental Health (Ref = Positive).

1 OR = Odds Ratio (95% Confidence Interval); 2 aOR = Adjusted Odds Ratio (95% Confidence Interval); * p ≤ 0.05; Numeric bolding: Indicates statistical significance; WS = Work setting; SRMH = Self-rated mental health.

4. Discussion

Primary findings.

This study represents a preliminary assessment of the relationship between work setting and self-rated mental health, controlling for relevant demographic factors, and providing several preliminary insights into the ways in which COVID-19 stressors and protections shape these relationships. In doing so, our findings show that mental health is adversely impacted for those either working exclusively from home or in person. This is in agreement with existing literature showing poor mental health among workers in public-facing workspaces across numerous international contexts [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 ]. Similarly, although findings of studies examining mental health effects of working from home prior to the COVID-19 pandemic have been inconsistent [ 21 ], studies exploring this increasingly normalized work setting during the pandemic have generally found working from home associated with poorer mental health outcomes [ 26 ]. This is often attributed to difficulties in establishing a work-life balance and due to feelings of isolation [ 22 , 23 , 50 , 51 ]. However, the current findings are unique in that only a handful of studies investigating the link between workplace and mental health during COVID-19 to-date have directly examined varying degrees of working from home [ 8 , 9 , 13 , 27 ] and none to our knowledge have investigated these associations during the later phases of the COVID-19 pandemic, when vaccines were made widely available. Furthermore, the majority of studies have explored the mental health of healthcare workers [ 2 , 11 , 12 , 52 ] or those in public-facing positions [ 10 ]. As such, the present study makes a valuable contribution in terms of the timing within the COVID-19 pandemic, its focus on a broad range of labour sectors, and its use of holistic self-rated mental health measures.

As such, these findings help to further research into the mental health outcomes of the Canadian workforce during the later phases of ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and beyond. One Canadian study exploring the relationship between working from home and self-rated mental health (although not of primary interest) during the first wave of the pandemic found that workers who transitioned to working from home did not differ or have affected mental health when compared to those who remained working in-person. Conversely, another Canadian study from the first wave of the pandemic found lower prevalence of depression and anxiety among respondents working from home or those working in person whose employers met all of their infection control needs [ 27 ]. These findings differ from what this study has found during the third wave, namely: both not working from home and working exclusively from home are significantly associated with negative self-rated mental health. Turning to international evidence (again from the first wave), both Gómez-Salgado et al. (2020) and Mazza et al. (2020) found poorer mental health was associated with not working from home, when compared to working from home, and not working at all, respectively. The range of evidence adds credence to our findings indicating negative mental health outcomes at either end of the work from home continuum—where workers are exclusively working from one location.

The mediation analysis found that, of the three variables tested, COVID-19 vaccination status was the only significant mediator of the effect of work setting on self-rated mental health. However, this variable mediated only approximately 7% of the effect of work setting on self-rated mental health. Both the lack of significance and the low impact of the mediation among the variables tested suggests that the prominent source of psychological stress may not arise from fear of COVID-19 infection. Although it is likely that these prevention measures may do less to mediate mental health among workers who are not continually facing risk of viral exposure, it is less clear why this would also be the case for public-facing workers. One possibility could be that, by the later phases of the COVID-19 pandemic, workplaces already tended to have high levels of COVID-19 control measures in place [ 53 ], likely reducing the contribution of the environment to stress related to concerns about viral exposure. Secondly, views on the severity of COVID-19 symptoms or susceptibility to it may have an impact on the extent that the COVID-19 prevention measures mediate mental health [ 54 ]. Lastly, uncertainty related to the unpredictable trajectory of the pandemic, such as economic concerns may present as greater stressors when compared to fears of COVID-19 infection [ 55 ].

This study also highlighted poor negative mental health among several groups. Though we did not specifically explore groups that are more likely to work from home, concerns have been raised about the well-being of ethnic minority groups who disproportionately work in public-facing occupations [ 56 ]. These sectors have experienced numerous disruptions in their capacity to operate throughout the COVID-19 pandemic [ 19 ]. This has had severe effects on members of ethnic minorities. For instance, in mid-2020, 44% and 40% of people of Arabic and West Asian ethnicity respectively, reported that the COVID-19 pandemic had moderate to strong impacts on their financial stability [ 57 ].

The identity groups associated with negative self-rated mental health—non-binary individuals and people over 40 years—are less clear in terms of contextualizing within work setting. For non-binary individuals, it is unclear whether they are more likely to work from home; however, it does appear that the pre-pandemic stressors have been compounded by COVID-19 for members of sexual and gender minorities [ 58 ]. As for middle-and-older age workers, the association with negative self-rated mental health corresponds to a general trend that mental health has worsened for all age groups in Canada since the onset of the pandemic [ 59 ]; however, it is unclear what this finding may mean in the context of other studies, indicating better mental health among older adults during the pandemic [ 60 , 61 ].

Despite COVID-19 prevention measures not emerging as a primary influencer of self-rated mental health, Canadian provinces such as British Columbia have routinely made it a priority to vaccinate frontline workers, a category of worker who cannot typically work from home [ 62 ]. Moreover, in examining other sources of economic-related stress, initial pandemic responses did see the Canadian federal government initiating supports for unemployed workers such as the Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) in conjunction with provincial eviction bans, and to a lesser extent, rent freezes [ 63 ]. Though CERB provided support for workers financially impacted by the pandemic, workers who continued to be employed did not enjoy these benefits, despite facing the possibility of reduced work hours. Moreover, rent freezes that were widely enacted by provincial governments were largely discontinued after December 2020 [ 63 ]. Thus, despite a relatively rapid implementation of social protections in response to the arrival of COVID-19 in Canada [ 64 ], the lack of continuity of these measures coupled with pandemic uncertainty may feed into stressors affecting Canadian workers.

5. Limitations

This exploratory study has limitations but provides rationale for more rigorous investigations of the potential benefits of hybrid work. Limitations include our use of secondary data that likely does not fully capture the nuanced associations between work setting and self-rated mental health. These relationships are further simplified by our analytic choices to collapse work setting to three levels and self-rated mental health to two levels. Future studies should explore more comprehensive measures of mental health, including using specific measures of anxiety and depression. Such analyses might be feasible in large surveys, such as ours, through the use of short scales developed for large surveys, such as the PHQ-2 and GAD-2. It is possible that these more specific measures would allow for greater granularity in understanding how working conditions during an ongoing public health crisis is related to mental health and well-being—particularly in terms of the mediating effects of COVID-19 prevention on anxiety and stress (vs. depression). Qualitative research could also be used to better understand specific pathways of poor mental health for those working exclusively from home or in-person. Given limitations in measurement, the results of the current study must be interpreted with caution when considering specific psychological disorders. As well, the dataset over-represented (77.2%) individuals who work in hybrid arrangements, compared to the other two groups (exclusively working from home and exclusively working in-person). Caution should therefore be taken in interpretation, as this drastically departs from the range of Canadian workers working the majority of their hours from home—40.5% in April 2020 to 26.5% in June 2021 [ 65 ]. Lastly, as the CSCS did not include questions assessing individuals’ worry about COVID-19 exposure at work, nor how well their workplace implemented protection protocols, we were not able to account for the nuance of psychological distress related to COVID-19 infection. The measures we use to assess compliance are global and not work specific. As such, our mediation models should be interpreted as preliminary. Likewise, some measures need refined assessment in future studies. For example, to measure income, participants’ household incomes were collected in increments of $10,000 CAD. Bins of $30,000 CAD were selected with consideration of classifying individuals according to approximate thresholds for low- (e.g., Approx. $30,000 per households) and median income (approx. $90,000 per household) in Canada. As household size and cost-of living values varied, a more nuanced measure of income would have been preferred by was not available in this secondary data analysis. Personal income, adjusted for cost of living, could provide a more nuanced insight into working condition and types of work engaged in, as these parameters are undoubtedly important for understanding worker health.

6. Future Research Directions

Recognizing these limitations, as well as several opportunities to establish new lines of inquiry, we recommend that future research on the COVID-19 pandemic and future communicable disease epidemics should aim to sample a more representative group of people working from home; determine interactions between ethnic, sexual and gender minorities, and older populations; and incorporate measures of self-assessed psychological distress around workplace safety. Furthermore, as noted above, the present study did not account for important and salient factors such as living conditions, household composition, sources of material, social, and emotional support, non-work-related labor, and other undoubtedly important factors. Future research will explore these factors in relation to working arrangements. Such analyses are critical for understanding the gendered dynamics of work from home. We hypothesize that this would be a critical moderator for exploration in future research. As well, family composition and income are critical moderators for understanding how people can best be supported in distance work environments. Therefore, future research should conduct more narrow analyses or improve measurements of these key factors so that a more nuanced profile of working conditions (e.g., income, class, status, hierarchy) can be assessed in relation to our research questions. Finally, it is critical for longitudinal within person studies to continue examining the effect of work from home on individual health and wellbeing.

7. Conclusions

Given the few studies that are available assessing the effect of work setting on mental health, this study provides important data demonstrating potential hazards to mental health associated with exclusively in-person or home-based work. Hybrid models of work may therefore provide promising opportunities to improve the mental health of workers. Of course, replication will further advance our understanding of telecommuting and in-person work, particularly in the context of an ongoing public health crisis that has disproportionately impacted low-wage and marginalized people.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the 2021 Social Connection Survey Participants for their contributions of time and attention in completing our survey.

Supplementary Materials

The following supporting information can be downloaded at: https://www.mdpi.com/article/10.3390/ijerph191811588/s1 , File S1: Independent Variables Included in Initial Multivariable Binary Regression Model.

Funding Statement

Funding for the Canadian Social Connection Survey was received from a Canadian Institutes for Health Research (CIHR) Project Grant (#480066) and a Genwell Project Research Catalyst Grant (#2021-001). KGC is funded by a Michael Smith Health Research BC Scholar Award (#1547).

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, A.B., K.G.C., A.S., and E.B.; Data curation, K.G.C.; Formal analysis, A.B.; Funding acquisition, K.G.C.; Methodology, A.B. and K.G.C.; Supervision, K.G.C.; Writing—original draft, A.B.; Writing—review & editing, A.B., L.R., E.B., A.S., S.S.-S. and K.G.C. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Institutional Review Board (or Ethics Committee) of University of Victoria (protocol code 21-0115; 9 April 2021).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

• Open access
• Published: 27 June 2023

The relationship between homeworking during COVID-19 and both, mental health, and productivity: a systematic review

• Charlotte E. Hall 1 , 2 , 3 ,
• Louise Davidson 2 , 4 ,
• Samantha K. Brooks 1 , 3 ,
• Neil Greenberg 1 , 3 &
• Dale Weston 2  

BMC Psychology volume  11 , Article number:  188 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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As of March 2020, the UK public were instructed to work from home where possible and as a result, nearly half of those in employment did so during the following month. Pre-pandemic, around 5% of workers chose to work from home; it was often seen as advantageous, for example due to eliminating commuting time and increasing flexibility. However, homeworking also had negative connotations, for example, blurred boundaries between work and home life due to a sense of constant connectivity to the workplace. Understanding the psychological impact of working from home in an enforced and prolonged manner due to the COVID-19 pandemic is important. Therefore, this review sought to establish the relationship between working from home, mental health, and productivity.

In January 2022, literature searches were conducted across four electronic databases: Medline, Embase, PsycInfo and Web of Science. In February 2022 grey literature searches were conducted using Google Advanced Search, NHS Evidence; Gov.uk Publications and the British Library directory of online doctoral theses. Published and unpublished literature which collected data after March 2020, included participants who experienced working from home for at least some of their working hours, and detailed the association in terms of mental health or productivity were included.

In total 6,906 citations were screened and 25 papers from electronic databases were included. Grey literature searching resulted in two additional papers. Therefore, 27 studies were included in this review. Findings suggest the association between homeworking and both, mental health and productivity varies considerably, suggesting a complex relationship, with many factors (e.g., demographics, occupation) having an influence on the relationship.

We found that there was no clear consensus as to the association between working from home and mental health or productivity. However, there are indications that those who start homeworking for the first time during a pandemic are at risk of poor productivity, as are those who experience poor mental health. Suggestions for future research are suggested.

Peer Review reports

Within the UK, the COVID-19 pandemic led to several behavioural interventions being implemented by the government with the aim to reduce transmission of the virus. As of March 2020, the public were instructed to work from home and as a result, nearly half of those in employment did so during April 2020 [ 1 ]. As of January 2022, 36% of workers still reported homeworking at least once in the last seven days [ 2 ]. Pre-pandemic, only around 5% of workers chose to work from home [ 3 ] and findings on the impact of doing so is inconsistent. For some, homeworking was seen as a positive way of overcoming issues (e.g., decreasing commuting time [ 4 ]). However, homeworking also had negative connotations, for example, blurred boundaries between work and home life due to a sense of constant connectivity to the workplace [ 5 ]. Considering the potential disadvantages of homeworking pre-pandemic, understanding the psychological effect of enforced and prolonged working from home due to the COVID-19 pandemic is important.

Unsurprisingly, since the onset of the pandemic, the association between working from home and various aspects of health have been the subject of much research. Literature reviews, including papers from pre-pandemic, have reported mixed findings. For example, a rapid review conducted by Oakman (2020), contained 23 studies published between 2008 and 2020, explored the link between working from home and mental and physical health. For mental health specifically, the relationship was reported to be complex with many conflicting findings (e.g., increased stress and increased well-being; [ 6 ]). Varied findings have also been reported by a systematic review conducted by Lunde (2022) which sought to establish the relationship between working from home and employee health (examined outcomes included: general health, pain, well-being, stress, exhaustion and burnout, satisfaction, life and leisure) using studies published between 2010 to 2020 [ 7 ].

A scoping review focused on more current pandemic related research was conducted by Elbaz (2022) and aimed to establish the association between telework (i.e., a working arrangement that allows individuals to engage in work activities through information and communication technologies from outside the main work location [ 8 ]) and work-life balance using studies published between January 2020 and December 2021. 42 papers were included, and the review concluded that teleworking resulted in a mixed relationship. However, the link between teleworking and psychological health was typically more negative than positive [ 8 ].

Thus, the purpose of this review is to establish if there is an association between working from home and both, mental health, and productivity; specifically, for those who experienced working from home during the COVID-19 pandemic. This systematic review seeks to, first, contribute to the evidence base by being the first review to collate findings from published and grey literature research originating from economically developed countries (as indicated by membership of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development; OECD) into the link between working from home and both, mental health, and productivity during the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, to establish risk or resilience (as defined as positive adaptation in response to adversity [ 9 ]) factors that make an individual more likely to adapt well to homeworking during a pandemic. Third, to provide findings and conclusions that can be used to establish implications and future research suggestions for improving the experience of homeworking for those doing so during a future public health emergency.

This systematic review is designed in concordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 10 ]. This results in the method section describing and explaining the process of criteria selection, use of information sources, the search strategy, study selection, data collection, quality assessment and the analytical method used during the review.

Eligibility criteria

The development of inclusion and exclusion criteria for the current review was iterative and developed alongside literature familiarisation, preliminary database searches, and research team meetings. The final inclusion and exclusion criteria for the current systematic review can be found in Table 1 .

Information sources

Electronic database searches.

Search terms were created in relation to population/context, intervention, and outcome of the research question, as recommended by Cochrane’s Handbook for Systematic Reviews [ 11 ]. Terms were developed a priori from current literature and developed iteratively by the research team using preliminary searches to ensure a manageable and focused scope of investigation.

The final search was conducted on the 25 th of January 2022 across the following databases:

Ovid®SP MEDLINE.® 1946 to January 18, 2022

Ovid.®SP Embase 1974 to 2022 January 14

Ovid.®SP APA PsycINFO 1806 to January Week 2 2022

Web of Science™ Core Collection

The final search involved two strings of terms: firstly, those relating to homeworking, and secondly, psychological terms encompassing mental health, resilience, and productivity. Where possible, databased controlled vocabulary was used. Free text terms remained consistent across all four searches, only differing on database specific truncation and use of punctuation. Free text terms were searched within titles and abstracts on Medline, Embase and APA PsychINFO. Free text terms were searched within title, abstract, author keywords and Keywords Plus in Web of Science Core Collection. All searches were limited to 2020 – current, to only capture data related to working from home during the COVID-19 pandemic. Full search strategies for all databases, including filters and limits used can be found in Supplemental Table 1 .

Grey literature searches

The following sources were searched on the 1 st of February 2022: Google Advanced Search, NHS Evidence; Gov.uk Publications; and the British Library directory of online doctoral theses (EThOS).

The following search was used for the Google Advanced Search, NHS evidence, and EthOS. For the Google Advanced Search, the results were ordered by most relevant, and the first 20 pages (totalling 200 hits) were screened. The NHS search was limited to primary research only.

(“work from home” OR “telework” OR “homework”)

(“mental health” OR “productivity” OR “resilience”)

The remaining searches were kept relatively simple due to small numbers of papers available shown during preliminary searches. Gov.uk Publication searches were limited to: ‘research’ or ‘statistics’ or ‘policy papers and consultations’, including the terms “homework”, “telework”, or “work from home”. Office for National Statistics searches were “homework”, “telework” or “work from home”. Full search strategies for all registers and websites, including filters and limits used can be found in Supplemental Table 2 .

Study selection

Results of the literature searches were downloaded to EndNote X9 reference management software (Thomson Reuters, New York, United States (US)). Initial screening was carried out for all titles and abstracts against the inclusion and exclusion criteria by one author (CEH). Each study was categorised into one of the following groups: “include”, “exclude” or “unsure”. A 10% check of excluded papers (~ 400 records) was carried out by a second reviewer (LD), any papers marked as potentially relevant by LD were then rescreened by CEH. Both of the “include” and “unsure” categories then were subject to full text screening. To provide robustness to the review process, 10% of the papers were also full text screened by a second reviewer (LD). When there were disagreements between reviewers (i.e., on 3/12 papers), a third reviewer (SKB) was used, and the majority decision taken. Articles were then categorised into “include” or “exclude”. A PRIMSA flowchart of the screening process is presented in Fig.  1 .

PRISMA flow diagram

Data extraction and synthesis

Data was extracted using a data extraction spreadsheet by one author (CEH). Article data and information extracted included: authors; title; type of document (e.g., publication, governmental report); publication year; publication origin; aims and hypotheses; size of sample; sample demographics and characteristics; variables of interest examined, outcome measures; key findings, limitations, and recommendations. Extraction of this data allowed for study characteristics (e.g., date of publication, country of origin, sample characteristics, outcome measures) to be reported alongside key findings, whilst considering reported study limitations and recommendations/implications suggested by the authors. A 20% check of extracted data relating to key findings was carried out by LD, no discrepancies found between reviewers. Narrative synthesis was used to collate findings from the retained papers [ 12 ]. Research findings were firstly grouped by variables examined (e.g., productivity or mental health focused), and a narrative was synthesised.

Quality assessment

The Mixed Methods Appraisal tool [ 13 ] was used to appraise the quality of included studies based on the information provided in the papers. This tool was chosen due to its ability to appraise both qualitative and quantitative studies whilst also accounting for the differences between types of study. Many reviews have used this tool for quality assessment, for example [ 14 , 15 , 16 ]. Papers were checked for suitability using the following screening questions: “Are there clear research questions?”; “Do the collected data allow to address the research questions?”. Each study was then assessed using five questions relevant to the methodological approach used within the paper [ 13 ]. One author carried out the quality appraisal (CEH).

In total 6,906 search results were extracted from electronic databases. Post duplication screening, 4,233 papers remained for title and abstract screening. 119 papers were sought for retrieval, one paper [ 17 ] was deemed potentially relevant to the review, but after exhausting all means of accessing the full text the paper had to be excluded from the review. Following title and abstract screening, 118 full texts were screened, and 25 studies were retained as they aligned with the inclusion criteria. Two additional studies were included as a result of grey literature searches. Therefore, 27 studies were included in this review (refer to Fig.  1 for flow diagram).

Study characteristics

Date of publication.

No papers included in this review were published prior to 2020, as per the exclusion criteria. Only one paper was published in 2020 [ 18 ], 25 papers were published in 2021 [ 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 ], and one paper was published in 2022 [ 44 ].

Country of origin

Data extracted relating to the location of the first authors institution at the time of publication was extracted to display geographical spread of the papers retained within this review. As per the inclusion criterion, all paper origins are from OECD countries. The location of papers is relatively varied, with four papers originating from each of the USA [ 21 , 28 , 30 , 43 ], the UK [ 19 , 39 , 40 , 42 ] and Japan [ 32 , 33 , 34 , 38 ]. Three papers originated from Turkey [ 26 , 27 , 37 ], and Italy [ 18 , 22 , 24 ]. Two papers originated from Columbia [ 23 , 35 ]. The remaining papers originated from Canada [ 31 ], Germany [ 44 ], Luxembourg [ 36 ], the Netherlands [ 41 ], Portugal [ 20 ], Spain [ 25 ] and Sweden [ 29 ].

Study design

The majority of the retained papers used similar methodological approaches to collect data; 24 out of 27 of the papers used online surveys [ 18 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 ]. It is necessary to note that, three of these papers used additional qualitative elements in their surveys [ 39 , 40 , 42 ], and four surveys collected data at multiple time points [ 36 , 38 , 41 , 44 ]. Of the remaining three papers, two used secondary data analysis [ 26 , 44 ], and one paper [ 19 ] used semi-structed interviews to collect data.

Variables examined and measures

Of the 27 papers, 13 focused specifically on mental health outcomes [ 22 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 28 , 29 , 33 , 34 , 36 , 37 , 41 , 42 , 43 ], six on productivity outcomes [ 20 , 21 , 23 , 27 , 31 , 32 ], and eight included both mental health and productivity outcomes [ 18 , 19 , 30 , 35 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 44 ]. All measures used varied across studies with many being unvalidated. Table 2 shows more in-depth details about variable measures.

Study sample

There was substantial variation in the sample characteristics across the included papers. Sample size varied highly between papers, ranging from n  = 32 [ 19 ] to n  = 20,395 [ 34 ]. In relation to job role, many papers included participants from difference sectors and occupations within their study [ 19 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 25 , 27 , 28 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 41 , 43 , 44 ], two included a representative participant group [ 26 , 36 ], some targeted specific occupations or groups (e.g., Alumni from the Portuguese AESE Business School [ 20 ]; Italian professionals [ 24 ]; university staff [ 29 , 42 ]; behaviour analysists [ 30 ]; administrative workers [ 18 ]) and, some did not provide information on job role but focused on home working populations [ 34 , 35 , 40 ]. Table 3 displays extracted data in relation to sample size and characteristics including location and job role details.

Quality appraisal

Overall quality of papers varied across the 27 that were retained, with an average score of 62%. The MMAT quality scores as a percentage can be found in Table 2 . The included papers within this systematic review varied in quality. Many were cross-sectional, quantitative in methodology, and recruited participants using snowball or opportunistic sampling. This resulted in some unclear sample characteristics (e.g., not knowing where a percentage of participants were from), and uncertainty as to how often the sample were working from home. Only three of the retained papers within this review used qualitative research elements, and there was no common method for measuring mental health, or productivity across homeworking research.

To allow comparisons across and between research, findings relating to mental health and productivity will be separated and reported on separately in the following section.

• Mental health

This following section details outcomes relating to mental health and synthesises the following outcomes from 21 papers: ‘depression’ [ 20 , 22 , 33 , 37 , 42 ]; ‘anxiety’ [ 20 , 22 , 33 , 37 , 42 ]; ‘stress’ (including work stress) [ 18 , 22 , 28 , 29 , 35 , 37 , 38 ]; ‘psychological distress’ [ 24 , 34 , 41 ]; wellbeing [ 36 ] (including ‘subjective wellbeing’ [ 24 ], ‘psychological wellbeing’ [ 25 ]; ‘mental wellbeing’ [ 26 , 42 , 43 ]); ‘health’ [ 29 ]; ‘burnout’ [ 28 , 30 , 44 ]; and general ‘mental health’ [ 39 , 40 ]. Table 2 provides additional information on how these outcomes are measured, and it is necessary to note that there are overlap in how outcomes are described (i.e., ‘mental wellbeing’, ‘psychological wellbeing’, ‘health’, and ‘psychological distress’ were all measured using the same questionnaire).

The findings in relation to mental health varied across the retained papers. Many of the papers reported a negative relationship between homeworking and mental health and wellbeing [ 19 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 29 , 30 , 33 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 43 , 44 ]. For example, one paper established that the transition to homeworking during the pandemic increased psychological strain due to increased work intensification, poor adaptation to new ways of working, and online presenteeism [ 19 ]. Another paper reported that out of those who continued to work during the COVID-19 pandemic (i.e., not furloughed, or unemployed), teleworkers experienced less self-perceived wellbeing than those who continued working at their pre-COVID-19 workplace [ 25 ].

Some of the retained papers concluded a mixed findings in relation to home working and mental health. For example, despite a main finding that working from home during the COVID-19 pandemic results in lower levels of well-being, Schifano et al., also concluded that when the sample only includes those who switched to homeworking from office working, there is a small fall in anxiety levels when moving to working from home [ 36 ]. Additionally, Taylor et al., reports that around 40 per cent believe that their mental health had worsened either a lot or a little since working from home, compared to around 30 per cent that believed their mental health had improved [ 39 ]. Similarly, Moretti et al., reports that around 40 per cent of participants declared a reduced stress level since they have worked remotely, around 30 per cent reported an unchanged level, and one-third of participants experienced increased stress [ 18 ].

Homeworking was found to have no association with burnout by one retained paper [ 30 ]. Shimura et al., provides evidence that remote work does decrease psychological and physical stress responses when controlling for confounding factors such as job stressors, social support, and sleep status [ 38 ]. Working from home was also considered to be better for wellbeing in comparison to being furloughed or unemployed [ 25 , 36 ].

Factors affecting mental health when homeworking

Demographics.

When considering age, findings were mixed. One paper reported being older [ 36 ] resulted in poorer mental health outcomes. Additionally, another paper focused on stress and burnout specifically reported that being a young male [ 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 ], an older male (55 +) or a middle aged or older woman (45 +) resulted in increased stress, and being a middle-aged man [ 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 ] increased burnout [ 28 ].

Being female was reported to result in increases of depression, anxiety, and stress [ 37 ]. Females were also reported to experience two or more new physical or mental health issues were provided in comparison to male workers [ 43 ]. In this study, nine types of physical issues were assessed, these included, but are not limited to, musculoskeletal discomfort or injury, headaches or migraines, cardiovascular issues. Eight types of mental health issues were assessed, these included, but are not limited to, anxiety or nervousness, mental stress, rumination or worry, depression, sadness, or feeling blue [ 43 ].

Those considered better-educated were reported to have worsened mental health outcomes [ 36 ]. Those working in the field of “education and research” judged their telework experience to be much worse than participants working in other fields (e.g., ‘IT and telecommunication’, ‘Public administration and law enforcement agencies’, ‘Health and social services’ and ‘Legal and administrative services’) and were less willing to replicate the telework experience, there were also higher levels of stress and anxiety apparent [ 22 ].

Living arrangements

Living and working in a home which is considered crowded or confined resulted in poorer mental health [ 33 , 36 ]. Having a larger house and living with a partner, or with one or two housemates, was also found to be protective of mental health [ 22 ].

Results are mixed in relation to working in a household that includes children. On one hand, having young children in the home was considered to have a negative link to wellbeing, supposedly related to increased demands [ 36 ]. Whereas other research reported having infants (less than two years old) or toddlers (two to five years of age) at home as protective of wellbeing but were also associated with more mental health issues [ 43 ]. These conflicting findings were reasoned to be due to working parents being able to spend more time at home with their children, resulting in better mental wellbeing. However, due to work-life strain caused by increased demands and lack of support (i.e., from babysitters) during working hours there is an increase in new physical and mental issues apparent [ 43 ].

Isolation or loneliness

Spending more time remote working was considered to increase perceptions of isolation, and isolation and psychological distress were reported to mutually affect each other over time [ 41 ]. Additionally, having frequent contacts with work colleagues was considered protective factors of mental health [ 22 ].

Homeworking preference

Workers who preferred to work from home experienced less psychological distress with increasing telecommuting frequency, while those who preferred not to telecommute experienced more psychological distress with increasing telecommuting frequency [ 34 ].

Length of time homeworking

The association between working from home and mental health and wellbeing was found to differ depending on frequency and length of time home working [ 26 , 29 , 33 , 44 ].

One paper found working from home for a short duration was considered no different on mental well-being in comparison to those always working at the employer’s premises [ 26 ]. Niu et al., found that there was initially no difference in the mental health between workers who continued working in the office and those who switched to telework, but participants who teleworked for a longer period showed more severe anxiety and depression in comparison to those who teleworked for a short period. [ 33 ]. Similarly, those working from home for a high percentage of their weekly hours reported more negative psychological symptoms than employees who work from home for less hours [ 44 ], and higher ratings of stress were also reported in those working from home several times per week in comparison to those who worked from home less than once per month [ 29 ].

• Productivity

This following section details outcomes relating to productivity and synthesises the following outcomes from 14 papers: ‘productivity’[ 18 , 21 , 27 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 35 , 40 ], ‘performance’ [ 23 , 39 ], ‘percieved productivity’ [ 20 ], ‘level of work ability’ [ 44 ], ‘presenteeism’ [ 38 ]. Table 2 provides additional information on how these outcomes are measured.

The findings in relation to productivity varied across the retained papers. Some of the retained papers concluded a negative relationship between home working and productivity [ 19 , 30 , 32 , 40 ]. For example, Adisa (2021) found that the transition to home working from office-based work caused increased work intensification, online presenteeism and employment insecurity – which resulted in psychological strain and poor levels of work engagement [ 19 ]. Similarly, increased work intensity (e.g., receiving more information from teams and engaging in more planning activities) due to working from home also resulted in decreased worker productivity [ 30 ]. Morikawa et al., concludes that productivity whilst working from home was about 60–70% of the productivity at business premises, and was especially low for employees and firms that started homeworking after the onset of the COVID pandemic [ 32 ]. A UK-wide survey of office workers (including telecom, local government, financial services and civil service staff) who were working from home during the COVID-19 pandemic reported that since the onset of homeworking, 30% reported of workers that it is now more difficult to meet targets, and they had concerns of underperforming [ 39 ].

Some studies concluded that working from home was in fact no different in comparison to office working in terms of productivity [ 23 ]. This was reported for those who worked at home pre-COVID-19 and tended to practice working from home frequently [ 32 ]. Additionally, other research concluded that 90% of new teleworkers reported being at least as productive (i.e., accomplishing at least as much work per hour at home) as they were previously in their usual place of work [ 31 ].

Moretti et al., reported that working at home resulted in productivity decreasing in 39.2% and an increasing in 29.4% of participants [ 18 ]. However, Guler et al., established that participants who worked from home were more relaxed, more efficient, and they produced better quality work [ 27 ]. Despite reported increased or no change to levels of productivity, some research studies did find that those working from home were reporting longer working hours [ 21 , 27 ].

Factors affecting productivity when homeworking

Two papers reported that males were less productive than females when working from home [ 20 , 21 ]. Those who are older and have higher levels of income are also more likely to be productive when homeworking [ 21 ], as were those who are unmarried with no children [ 31 ]. Those who are highly educated, high wage employees, long distance commuters, tended to exhibit a relatively small reduction in productivity [ 32 ]. Having an appropiate workspace was also associated with higher levels of productivity [ 21 ].

In terms of occupation, “scientists” were most likely to have the highest level of productivity, in comparison to “engineering and architecture,” “computer sciences and mathematics” and “healthcare and social services.” [ 21 ]. Other research also supported that those who work in in information and communications industry only displayed a relatively small reduction in productivity [ 32 ]. Higher levels of productivity in were also apparent in public administration (41%) as well as in health care and social assistance (45%). In contrast, the corresponding percentage was lower in goods-producing industries (31%) and educational services (25%) [ 31 ].

Mental health and productivity

A few of the retained studies looked at the interaction between mental health and productivity whilst homeworking [ 21 , 27 , 35 ]. In a sample of staff that had been working from home for more than 6 months, it was reported that they were less stressed, more efficient, and had better quality of work during working from home period according to self-report data [ 27 ]. Other research reported that having an appropiate workspace, and better mental health was also associated with higher levels of productivity [ 21 ]. Stress was also found to lessen the positive association between working remotely on productivity and engagement [ 35 ].

This systematic literature review sought to 1) explore the association between working from home and both, mental health, and productivity, and 2) establish potential risk factors. Literature searches encompassed both peer previewed published literature and grey literature, 27 papers were retained post screening and included within this review. The results established that relationship between homeworking and both, mental health and productivity varies considerably, suggesting a complex association with many mediating and moderating factors.

Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and the introduction of enforced and prolonged homeworking, working from home was often considered advantageous. Research often concluded that homeworking had multiple advantages [ 4 , 45 , 46 , 47 ]. There were also potential concerns reported with homeworking [ 45 , 48 ], for example in relation constant connectivity to the workplace [ 5 ], but these were not considered to outweigh the benefits [ 48 ]. This review revealed conflicting findings, with the majority of the research suggesting a negative or mixed link to mental health, which is supported by current literature [ 6 ].

This suggests that homeworking as a choice is considered largely beneficial (i.e., as shown by research prior to the pandemic), but when homeworking is instead mandatory there is potential that it may have a more negative association for certain individuals and occupations over others.

The relationship between working from home and productivity was also mixed, in that some papers found that home workers could be more productive, whereas others found the opposite. However, most studies reviewed show that homeworking for both new starters (e.g., has only worked from home) and those transitioning to homeworking for the first time, were particularly likely to report low levels of productivity along with concerns about meeting targets. There was also consistency amongst reviewed papers that homeworkers who reported better mental health (e.g., were less stressed) were more productive which is consistent with previous research showing an inverse relationship between stress levels and productivity [ 49 , 50 ]. Taken together, findings from the current review suggest that prolonged homeworking can negatively affect mental health, and in turn, lower levels of mental health can negatively affect productivity. Therefore, there should be a focus on maintaining and mitigating workers mental health when they are asked to work from home for a prolonged period.

Feelings of isolation or loneliness in homeworkers were also considered to have a consistent link to poorer mental health. This finding is well supported as the negative association isolation and loneliness have on mental health is widely reported across research (e.g., [ 51 , 52 ], and as demonstrated in an overview of systematic reviews [ 53 ]). The ability to create a shared sense of social identity with colleagues, which is protective of workplace stress [ 54 ] and burnout [ 55 ], may be hindered by homeworking [ 56 ] which can result in feelings of isolation or loneliness. This finding suggests that opportunities for social integration should be promoted by managers and team leaders. For example, through team meetings, in person events, or where possible, office working days.

As the findings relating to both mental health and productivity were varied, examination of factors which have potential to affect this relationship were explored. Personal and practical factors such as, being female, older in age, living and working in a crowded or confined home, or having young children at home were consistently associated with worsened mental health. Literature also concludes, being female, older in age, a highly educated high wage earner, being unmarried with no children, or someone with an active advantage towards homeworking (e.g., long distance commuters), and an appropiate workspace were associated with higher levels of productivity. These findings highlight the importance of considering practical factors that could be targeted by potential interventions (e.g., exploring how to manage work and having children at home, having an appropriately sized workspace, and managing overcrowded housing situations) as well as tailoring interventions to suit the target demographic (e.g., by considering gender, age, and occupation).

Limitations

Limitations for the current review these can be split into retained paper limitations and review process limitations. In terms of retained paper limitations, quality screening established that the retained papers varied in quality. Many were cross-sectional (only four studies within the current review collected data from multiple time points), quantitative in methodology, and recruited participants using snowball or opportunistic sampling. This resulted in some unclear sample characteristics (e.g., not knowing where a percentage of participants were from), and uncertainty as to how often the sample were working from home. These elements limit the generalisability of the findings, and this should be considered when conclusions are drawn from this data.

For this review specifically there are a number of limitations to consider. Firstly, limiting the search to English only may have resulted in the exclusion of potentially relevant papers. Secondly, this review did not seek to collate findings from studies which only directly compared those who had to work from home during the pandemic vs. those who could not, or did not, work from home, which could have potentially provided clearer results. However, where papers provided comparisons (e.g., [ 25 , 36 ]) they were extracted and presented in the results. Thirdly, current literature has established that working throughout the pandemic can be negatively related to mental health [ 57 , 58 , 59 ], which makes it difficult to disentangle the impact of working from home specifically. However, in the current review, three papers indicated that homeworking has potential to be negatively linked to mental health when carried out, or continued, for a long period of time (in comparison to hybrid working or working from home for a short period). This could possibly be due to the previously reported benefits of homeworking (e.g., flexibility, eradicating commuting time, and work life balance) no longer feeling advantageous when constantly working from home. This is an area that requires more research and is discussed in more detail in the following section.

Implications and future research

The current review found that working from home is neither positively or negative related to mental health or productivity, suggesting that a one size fits all approach to tackling the mitigation and management of workers mental health and productivity whilst they work from home is not suitable nor fit for purpose. However, there are indications that those who start homeworking for the first time during a pandemic are at risk of poor productivity, as are those who experience poor mental health. This suggests that employers should aim to help those who are new to home working, for example through training or mentoring programs. Additionally, those at risk of having poor mental health should be more closely monitored and provided with early support to ensure productivity.

The varied nature of the findings also calls for more in-depth research into why homeworking has such wide-ranging effect on individuals, and what factors have potential to mitigate and moderate this relationship. Due to the wide-ranging findings, it may be sensible to focus on specific occupational contexts and qualitatively explore barriers and facilitators to working from home to provide in depth rich data. Such work is currently underway as a PhD project focused on response organisations that worked from home during the COVID-19 pandemic conducted by the first author of the current review.

Considering the impact of working from home for different durations is also important, as the current review establishes that three papers indicated that homeworking has potential to be negatively associated with mental health when carried out, or continued, for a long period of time. Further empirical research is needed to provide more detail into, this finding along with examination into the factors that could impact this relationship (e.g., isolation, pre-existing mental health concerns). Resilience factors and characteristics associated with growth and flourishing whilst working from home should also be the subject of future research.

Methodologically, future research should seek to employ qualitative or mixed method designs to collect more in-depth and complete data in relation to the psychological effect of homeworking. Additionally, there should be a focus on using similar research measures when adding to the homeworking evidence base, as this would allow for research finding to be accurately compared. Similar suggestions were reported in a recent rapid review [ 60 ].

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Abbreviations

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This study was funded by the National Institute for Health and Care Research Health Protection Research Unit (NIHR HPRU) in Emergency Preparedness and Response, a partnership between the UK Health Security Agency, King’s College London and the University of East Anglia. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NIHR, UKHSA or the Department of Health and Social Care. For the purpose of open access, the author has applied a Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) licence to any Author Accepted Manuscript version arising.

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CEH, DW, SKB and NG conceptualised the review, created aims and established inclusion criteria. CEH, LD and SKB conducted the database searches and all screening in accordance with the inclusion criteria. CEH conducted quality appraisal of included papers. CEH carried out the analysis, and CEH drafted the initial manuscript; all authors provided critical revision of intellectual content. All authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript.

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Hall, C.E., Davidson, L., Brooks, S.K. et al. The relationship between homeworking during COVID-19 and both, mental health, and productivity: a systematic review. BMC Psychol 11 , 188 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-023-01221-3

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Study reveals subtle genetic link between intelligence and mental health

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A study of Dutch twins has uncovered a slight association between higher intelligence and a reduced risk of psychopathology, primarily driven by common genetic factors. This means that the same genetic influences that contribute to higher intelligence also appear to protect against the development of certain mental health issues. Notably, the heritability of anxiety and negative affect—traits associated with mood disorders like depression—was found to be greatest in individuals with below-average intelligence. This study was published in the journal Behavior Genetics .

Intelligence, the ability to learn, understand, and apply knowledge to solve problems, encompasses various cognitive functions such as reasoning, memory, and decision-making. It manifests in many different areas of life and in many different forms. Intelligence is not limited to academic knowledge but also includes the capacity to adapt to new situations and environments across all domains of life.

Previous studies have consistently shown a negative association between intelligence and psychopathology. This means that individuals with lower intelligence scores are generally at a higher risk of developing various mental health issues, including anxiety, depression, and behavioral disorders. Despite this well-documented correlation, the reasons behind it remain a subject of ongoing research. Scientists have been particularly interested in understanding whether this relationship is driven by genetic factors, environmental influences, or a combination of both.

To explore this relationship further, study author Susanne Bruins and her colleagues examined the link between intelligence, as assessed by psychological tests, and five aspects of psychopathology in 7-year-old twins. The five aspects of psychopathology they focused on were: negative affect (including depressive symptoms and withdrawn behavior), anxiety (encompassing anxiety- and phobia-related symptoms), oppositional defiant disorder (which involves disobedient and defiant behavior), autism (referring to problems with communication, affect, and flexibility), and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), which includes attention problems, hyperactivity, and impulsive behavior.

The researchers utilized data from the Young Netherlands Twin Register, a long-term study that recruits twins at birth and follows them throughout their lives. Parents of the twins regularly complete surveys about their children’s development and behavior. This register, which was initiated in 1986, provided the researchers with a valuable source of longitudinal data.

For this study, the researchers focused on a subgroup of 1,089 twins from the register, specifically those for whom both intelligence test scores and detailed psychopathology data were available. This subgroup included 543 complete twin pairs, with 262 pairs of monozygotic (identical) twins and 281 pairs of dizygotic (fraternal) twins. Monozygotic twins share 100% of their genetic material, while dizygotic twins share about 50%, similar to non-twin siblings. This difference in genetic similarity allowed the researchers to make inferences about the relative contributions of genetic and environmental factors to both intelligence and psychopathology.

The intelligence of the twins was measured using a range of age-appropriate IQ tests, including the Revised Amsterdam Child Intelligence Test, the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS), and the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC), depending on the age of the child at the time of testing. Psychopathology was assessed using the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), a widely used tool that identifies symptoms of various mental health conditions in children. The CBCL is designed to be sensitive across a wide range of intellectual abilities, making it a suitable instrument for this study.

The study revealed that all five groups of psychopathology symptoms analyzed—negative affect, anxiety, oppositional defiant disorder, autism, and ADHD—were slightly less common in participants with higher intelligence. Although the association was statistically significant, it was very slight, indicating that intelligence alone is not a strong predictor of mental health outcomes.

One of the most interesting findings was that the association between intelligence and symptoms of anxiety, ADHD, and autism was primarily driven by common genetic factors. This suggests that the same genetic influences that contribute to higher intelligence also reduce the risk of developing these mental health issues. However, the relationship between intelligence and anxiety or oppositional defiant disorder did not appear to be driven solely by genetic factors, indicating that other environmental or developmental influences might be at play.

The study also found that the heritability of anxiety and negative affect varied depending on the level of intelligence. Specifically, the heritability of both anxiety and negative affect was highest in participants with below-average intelligence. This means that genetic factors contributing to these conditions are more pronounced in children with lower intelligence scores. In contrast, environmental factors appeared to play a more significant role in children with higher intelligence, particularly in the development of anxiety.

“We found that intelligence correlated negatively with negative affect, anxiety, ODD, ADHD, and autism. These correlations in part reflected common genetic effects, with genetic factors that increase intelligence decrease psychopathology. Genetic and environmental effects on negative affect and anxiety (respectively) were moderated by intelligence, such that the heritability of both anxiety and negative affect was greatest in children with lower IQ [intelligence quotient],” the study authors concluded.

The study sheds light on the factors behind the link between psychopathology and intelligence. However, it should be noted that the association between intelligence and psychopathology was very low, practically negligible, and that the study was conducted on a selected group of twins—those who had all the necessary data in the register. Given these very weak associations, it is possible that the findings might not be present if the study were conducted on a less selected sample of twins.

The paper, “ Are Genetic and Environmental Risk Factors for Psychopathology Amplified in Children with Below‑Average Intelligence? A Population‑Based Twin Study, ” was authored by Susanne Bruins, Elsje van Bergen, Maurits W. Masselink, Stefania A. Barzeva, Catharina A. Hartman, Roy Otten, Nanda N. J. Rommelse, Conor V. Dolan, and Dorret I. Boomsma.

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• Find Your Calm: Managing Stress & Anxiety

Stress Symptoms

What Is Stress?

Stress is your body's response to a challenging or demanding situation. When you feel stressed, your body releases certain hormones. Your hormones are chemical signals your body uses to tell your body systems what to do. The hormones your body releases when you're stressed get you ready to meet the challenge or demand in your environment. During the stress response, your body gets ready to flee or fight by increasing your heart rate, breathing rate, and blood pressure.

Not all stress is bad. In small doses, stress can help you accomplish tasks or prevent you from getting hurt. For example, stress is what makes you slam on the brakes to avoid hitting a suddenly stopped car in front of you. That's a good thing.

But people handle stressful situations differently. What stresses you out may be of little concern to someone else. 

Stress can be a short-term response to something that happens once or only a few times or a long-term response to something that keeps happening. Our bodies can usually handle short-term stress without long-term effects. But long-term or chronic stress can make you sick, both mentally and physically.

The first step to managing your stress is to know the symptoms. But recognizing stress symptoms may be harder than you think. Many of us are so used to feeling stressed that we may not know it until we get sick. Read on to learn more about the various symptoms you may have when you're stressed.

Difference between stress and distress

Stress is a normal reaction to challenges in your physical environment or in your perceptions of what's happening around you. Experts consider distress to be stress that is severe, prolonged, or both. Distress is when you feel you’re under more stress than you can handle.

Emotional Stress Symptoms

Mental symptoms of emotional stress include:

• Feeling more emotional than usual, especially feeling grumpy, teary, or angry
• Feeling anxious, overwhelmed, nervous, or on edge
• Feeling sad or depressed
• Feeling restless
• Trouble keeping track of or remembering things
• Trouble getting your work done, solving problems, making decisions, or concentrating 

Physical Stress Symptoms

Symptoms of stress that you might feel in your body include:

• Clenching your jaw and grinding your teeth
• Shoulder, neck, or back pain; general body aches, pains, and tense muscles
• Chest pain, increased heart rate, heaviness in your chest
• Shortness of breath
• Feeling more tired than usual (fatigue)
• Sleeping more or less than usual
• Upset stomach , including diarrhea , constipation , and nausea
• Loss of sexual desire and/or ability
• Getting sick more easily, such as getting colds and infections often

Respiratory distress

This is when you aren't getting enough oxygen or are having to work really hard to breathe. If you or a loved one has symptoms of respiratory distress, you need to call 911 and get to the ER as soon as possible. Signs include:

• Breathing faster than usual
• Color changes of your skin, mouth, lips, or fingernails. A blue color around your mouth, lips, or fingernails usually shows you aren't getting enough oxygen. Your skin may also look pale or gray.
• Grunting when you breath out
• A whistling with each breath (wheezing)
• Nose flaring
• Chest sinking below your neck or under your breastbone with each breath (retractions)
• Increased sweating, especially cold, clammy skin on your forehead
• Leaning forward while sitting to help take deeper breaths

Cognitive Stress Symptoms

Symptoms of stress that affect your mental performance include:

• Trouble getting your work done, solving problems, making decisions, or concentrating
• Feeling less commitment to your work
• Lack of motivation
• Negative thinking

Behavioral Stress Symptoms

Symptoms of behavioral stress include:

• Changes in your eating habits; losing or gaining weight
• Procrastinating and avoiding responsibilities
• Using alcohol, tobacco, or drugs to feel better
• Avoiding your friends and family; isolating yourself from others
• Failing to meet your deadlines
• Increased absences at school or work
• Doing your work more slowly
• Exercising less often

Symptoms of Chronic Stress

Chronic stress is when you experience stress over an extended time. This can have negative effects on your body and your mental state, and it can increase your risk of cardiovascular disease, anxiety, and depression.

In general, the symptoms of chronic stress are the same as those for shorter-term stress. You may not have all these symptoms, but if you have more than three symptoms and they last for a few weeks, you may have chronic stress. Potential symptoms to look for include:

• Aches and pains
• Changes in your sleeping patterns, such as insomnia or sleepiness
• Changes in your social behavior, such as avoiding other people
• Changes in your emotional response to others
• Emotional withdrawal
• Low energy, fatigue
• Unfocused or cloudy thinking
• Changes in your appetite
• Increased alcohol or drug use
• Getting sick more often than usual

Is It Stress or Something Else?

You may be dealing with something more serious than day-to-day stress if you have symptoms over a period of time even though you've tried to cope using healthy mechanisms. Long-term stress is linked to number of mental health disorders, such as:

• Chronic stress
• Substance use disorder
• Disordered eating

It may be time to visit your doctor if you're struggling to cope with the stress in your life or you have mental health problems from long-term stress. They can help you figure out ways of coping in a healthy way or refer you to a mental health professional who can help you.

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is mental health condition that you may have after you have or witness a traumatic event, such as a natural disaster, accident, or violence. PTSD overwhelms your ability to cope with new stress. PTSD can lead to symptoms such as intrusive memories, avoidance behaviors, and hyperarousal. 

These symptoms can cause significant problems in your work or relationships. T alk to your doctor or a mental health professional if you've had or witnessed a traumatic event and have disturbing thoughts and feelings about it for more than a month, if your thoughts and feelings are severe, or if you feel like you're having trouble getting your life back on track.

What Are the Consequences of Long-Term Stress?

Ongoing, chronic stress can trigger or worsen many serious health problems, including:

• Mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety, and personality disorders
• Cardiovascular disease, including heart disease , high blood pressure, abnormal heart rhythms, heart attacks, and strokes
• Obesity and other eating disorders
• Menstrual problems
• Sexual dysfunction, such as impotence and premature ejaculation in men and loss of sexual desire in men and women
• Skin and hair problems , such as acne, psoriasis, and eczema, and permanent hair loss
• Gastrointestinal problems, such as GERD, gastritis , ulcerative colitis, and irritable bowel syndrome

Help Is Available for Stress

Stress is a part of life. What matters most is how you handle it. The best thing you can do to prevent stress overload and the health consequences that come with it is to know your stress symptoms.

If you or a loved one is feeling overwhelmed by stress, talk to your doctor. Many symptoms of stress can also be signs of other health problems. Your doctor can evaluate your symptoms and rule out other conditions. If stress is to blame, your doctor can recommend a therapist or counselor to help you better handle your stress.

Stress Takeaways

Stress is your body's response to a challenging or demanding situation. It can affect you physically, mentally, and behaviorally, especially when you have chronic stress. Chronic stress is when you are stressed for an extended time. Chronic stress can make it more likely for you to develop other mental health disorders, such as anxiety or depression. It can also affect your heart health and digestive health. If you're stressed and having trouble coping, it may be time for you to see your doctor or a mental health professional.

Stress FAQs

What can extreme stress cause?

Extreme stress, especially if it's prolonged, can cause emotional distress. And stress from a traumatic event, which is usually extreme, can cause posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). These are more serious cases of stress that overwhelm your ability to manage on your own. You may need to get a professional's help to get back on track. If you feel like you're having trouble managing your emotions, talk to your doctor. They can help you or direct you to someone who can help you.

Can stress make you throw up?

Yes, stress can make you throw up. Your digestive system is one of the many systems that stress can affect. In fact, you may have a whole range of other digestive symptoms, such as nausea, pain, and constipation or diarrhea. Not everyone has stress nausea or vomiting, but you may be more prone to it if you have a gastrointestinal condition, such as irritable bowel syndrome (IBS), or you have anxiety or depression.

You may be able to tell if you're stress vomiting if your episode passes when the stress goes away. If it doesn't, then your episode may be caused by something else. It's time to get checked out by your doctor if you have more than a couple of episodes or you can't figure out what's causing them.

Show Sources

Chu, B. Physiology, Stress Reaction , StatPearls Publishing, 2024.

American Psychological Association: "Stress effects on the body."

MedlinePlus: "Stress."

Mayo Clinic: "Stress management," "Emotional exhaustion: When your feelings feel overwhelming," "Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)."

Cleveland Clinic: "Emotional Stress: Warning Signs, Management, When to Get Help," "Stress Nausea: Why It Happens and How To Deal. "

Johns Hopkins Medicine: "Signs of Respiratory Distress."

Helpguide.org: "Stress Symptoms, Signs, and Causes," "Understanding Stress."

Yale Medicine: "Chronic Stress."

Department of Health and Human Services: "Stress and Your Health."

American Institute of Stress: "Effects of Stress."

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• Student Success
• Health & Wellness

Survey: ‘Everything’ Stresses Students Out. How Can Colleges Help?

Recent Student Voice data from Inside Higher Ed and Generation Lab finds two in five college students say stress or mental health is impacting their academics a great deal, and they want help from their institutions to take the pressure off.

By  Ashley Mowreader

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College students say juggling their responsibilities outside of college in addition to their academics is one of their greatest stressors, according to recent Student Voice data.

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To be a college student in 2024 is to be surrounded by stressful events , ranging from personal matters—juggling work, family responsibilities and financial obligations—to unprecedented global phenomena, political turmoil and a constant stream of digital information.

“We’re living in an age of anxiety,” says Melissa Saunders, assistant director of clinical services at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill’s Counseling and Psychological Services (CAPS). “There are major life stressors going on all across the world— climate change , terrible wars , toxic political discourse —that students have no control over and are completely bombarded with all the time. That is an awful lot to handle at age 18, 19, 20.”

Laura Erickson-Schroth, chief medical officer for The Jed Foundation, works as a clinician with 18- to 25-year-olds, and when clients discuss their stressors, many times they talk about societal issues such as climate change , movements for racial justice , reproductive rights , protests on campus and anti-LGBTQ+ legislation .

“Young people are dealing with a completely different world than we were when we were younger … Young people are thinking about world events in a way that wasn’t true always in previous generations,” Erickson-Schroth explains.

The latest Student Voice survey from Inside Higher Ed , conducted by Generation Lab, found two in five (43 percent) of students say stress is impacting their ability to focus, learn and perform well academically “a great deal.” An additional 42 percent say stress is impacting them at least “some.”

The survey’s findings point to the changing nature of being a young adult, the needs of today’s increasingly diverse college students and how mental health and stress can impact learners in and outside the classroom.

Methodology

Inside Higher Ed ’s annual Student Voice survey was fielded in May in partnership with Generation Lab and had 5,025 total student respondents.

The sample includes over 3,500 four-year students and 1,400 two-year students. Over one-third of respondents were post-traditional (attending a two-year institution or 25 or older in age), 16 percent are exclusively online learners, and 40 percent are first-generation students. Over half (52 percent) of respondents are white, 15 percent are Hispanic, 14 percent are Asian American or Pacific Islanders, 11 percent are Black, and 8 percent are another race (international student or two or more races).

The complete data set, with interactive visualizations, is available here . In addition to questions about health and wellness, the survey asked students about their academics , college experience and preparation for life after college.

Getting a Pulse

Across all student respondents, fewer than half (42 percent) rate their mental health as excellent or good. Twenty-eight percent rate their mental health as fair or poor.

Mental health, as a term, has evolved from what was previously known as mental illness to be used more broadly to refer to mental and emotional discomfort due to the ordinary stressors of life, Saunders explains. This makes understanding a growing mental health crisis hard to define.

“We need to start using mental health in the appropriate context,” argues Doug Everhart, the University of California, Irvine’s director of well-being. “Because mental health, like physical health, is something we strive for. It’s something we want to enhance. When I talk about mental health, it’s about health promotion, right? How do we help students increase, enhance [and] improve their mental health through actions that they take?”

Students are more likely to rate their physical health (51 percent) or ability to care for themselves (56 percent) as good or excellent. Only half of respondents say they had good or excellent overall well-being.

Some demographic groups are more likely to rate their mental health as poor. That includes low-income learners (15 percent)—those with a household income of less than $50,000—as well as Black or African American students (12 percent), first-generation students (11 percent), and online learners (11 percent). Among nonbinary students—who made up around 100 of the 5,000 respondents—26 percent rate their mental health as poor, 14 percent say their physical health is poor and 22 percent rate their stress management abilities as poor.

Adult learners, inversely, have higher ratings for their health and wellness across categories compared to their traditional-aged peers, with almost half rating their mental health and physical health as good or excellent. Two-year students of any age are also more likely to rate their ability to care for themselves as excellent (26 percent) or good (38 percent).

Across groups, 41 percent of students say they have good or excellent stress management skills, while 27 percent rate their stress management as poor or fair.

As one first-year student shared in the survey, “One could have two out of the three: good social, academic or physical health but not three from the level of meaningless work assigned. I typically prioritize good academics and social [life] to keep my head above water and [find] motivation through friends.”

Under Pressure

When asked what their top stressors are while in college, Student Voice respondents rank balancing their academics with personal, family or financial responsibilities as the most stressful (47 percent). This was most true for adult learners (60 percent), students at two-year institutions (54 percent) and first-generation students (53 percent).

These results weren’t surprising to Trace Terrell, a current undergraduate student at Johns Hopkins University.

“I have had so many friends and so many of my peers be in situations where they just felt so overwhelmed by everything that they have on their plate,” says Terrell, who also served as a policy intern for Active Minds. “It makes a lot of sense.”

As student demographics have grown more diverse, their needs and characteristics have changed, with more students working part- or full-time jobs, acting as caregivers , or balancing severe health conditions, which in turn impacts their college experiences.

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“Students, they bring their academic lives into their dorm rooms or into their clubs, and back home when they visit home. And then, vice versa, they bring their homes with them and their family,” says James Raper, vice president for health, well-being, access and prevention at Emory University.

Experts who reviewed Student Voice findings commented on how college affordability and the rising cost of living can directly relate to student mental health , as well. One-third of survey respondents name paying for college as a top stressor, and an additional 26 percent say paying for personal expenses is a high source of stress.

“We [CAPS] see big gaps between students that don’t have to work to pay for help pay for their college or their spending money, and those that do,” says Saunders of UNC. “I think the stress levels are much higher on those that are juggling outside jobs, or even work-study jobs , that eat up a significant amount of time, than they are on the students who had the good fortune not to have to work. That seems to have gotten worse as the country has had a bigger economic divide.”

Fewer than one-third of students say acute academic stress (32 percent), job or internship searches (30 percent), or chronic academic stress (22 percent) are their greatest stressors.

Institution type and student age reveal differing pressures. Students at private universities, for example, are more likely to point to job and internship searches (50 percent) as a stressor, followed by academic stress (43 percent) before their competing responsibilities.

Emory’s Raper says this could be due to the privileges afforded to many private school students who don’t have to pay for college on their own, but it could also point to students who need jobs to help support their lives during college. “That data may reflect that some students are stressed out because they can’t think about internships, they don’t feel like they have access to them, because they don’t have enough time to do both.”

Students at public institutions (36 percent) or who are taking classes exclusively online (37 percent) are more likely to indicate paying for college is a stressor.

Around one in 10 students say being on their own and caring for themselves is a top stressor, which mirrors the 13 percent of students who rate their ability to care for themselves as poor or fair.

In terms of chronic stress specifically, 41 percent of nonbinary students say this type of personal stress impacts them, compared to 18 percent of all respondents.

Choosing a major or course planning was a top stressor for about 10 percent of all students, but that number grows to 17 percent among learners at two-year institutions.

In the “other” category, which made up 2 percent of responses, three students wrote “all of the above,” and one indicated “everything” is stressing them out.

Finding Their Footing

Just as the pressures that impact students’ mental well-being are complicated, identifying how to alleviate students’ stress is just as complicated.

“It’s not necessarily about the world becoming easier for me to navigate, but 'What kind of skills do I need?' and 'What kind of work do I need to put in to make the world seem easier?'” says Everhart of UCI.

When asked which three of 11 institutional actions would most benefit their overall well-being, students overwhelmingly believe that institutions rethinking high-stakes exams would be most helpful (48 percent). The second-largest number of students identified adding mental health days to the academic calendar (37 percent), followed by encouraging faculty members to build in flexibility with course deadlines (35 percent).

The results highlighted to Raper that students are looking for areas to exercise autonomy over their schedules and assessment, he says. “We experience things that are in our control and out of our control, and to be an 18- or 20-year-old in 2024, there’s a lot that we’re aware of that is just happening to us. And so, rightly so, we’re getting better and better at looking at, ‘Well, where could I leverage some control?’”

College students also value food services as a health priority. Twenty percent of students believe their institutions making campus meal plans or food prices more affordable would positively impact their well-being (this was especially true for students at four-year institutions), and 14 percent say improved quality, variety and access to campus food services would make a difference in their health.

Private school students identified more wellness facilities and services (23 percent) and improved quality of food services (22 percent) as helpful actions for improving campus health, compared to the average student respondent (19 percent naming more health and wellness and 15 percent naming better food services).

One in five students would like institutions to encourage faculty members to build student mental health day policies into their syllabi or for additional investment in wellness facilities or services to promote overall wellness. When asked how students rank the quality of their current campus health and wellness services, the largest share of students (37 percent) rank their campus at average, while 44 percent say it is good or excellent.

A Day for Mental Health

Across the country, institutions have begun to integrate excused absences for mental health and mental health days into the academic calendar, which each serve a different purpose, explains Active Minds’ Terrell.

An excused absence allows a young person to take, for any mental health–related reason, a day off and not be expected to make up activities.

General mental health days emphasize that everyone has mental health, “and so we should all have a break to be able to care for that,” Terrell says. Similar to the excused absence, the intention behind a day off is that students can take a step back from their academic responsibilities.

Historically, mental health days in higher education have been more reactive and, in turn, have become a catch-up day for students to work, Emory’s Raper says. Instead, mental health days should be a time for students to practice wellness in an intentional way.

Some institutions, in their faculty manuals, prohibit or highly discourage instructors from assigning any instruction, exams, essays or projects that could extend into the break period, “to really allow young people to take time for themselves,” Terrell adds.

UNC introduced institutionwide mental health breaks in fall 2020 to give students a pause from classes to focus on their health and wellness and added them as a permanent feature in 2021.

Now, the academic term starts one week earlier, with five mental health days spread throughout the year. The breaks fall at the start or end of the workweek, giving students longer weekends to unplug, Saunders says. “They’re not using it to stay here and study or catch up on their academic work; they’re mostly going home or going out of town or doing something that gets them away from the stress, which I think has been really helpful.”

Eighteen percent of Student Voice respondents say increasing the length of school breaks would support their well-being.

Wellness in the Classroom

Rethinking exam schedules is not a policy solution Active Minds advocates for but is “something that makes a lot of sense,” Terrell says. “When we talk about common-sense solutions to the mental health crisis on college and university campuses, one of the easiest ways is just to reimagine how we are actually giving instruction and formatting tests.”

Alexa Silverman, EAB’s senior director of student experience and well-being research, says institution-level considerations around finals and their impact on student wellness has conversation that’s been slow to build, mostly because it will require an entire college or university to change.

Rather than placing all the burden on faculty members to decrease students’ exam stress, Silverman believes more frequent opportunities for self-assessment or incremental assessment can help students feel confident in their learning and prepared for testing.

Similarly, when students ask for flexibility with deadlines , Silverman wonders, is that the only thing students know how to ask for? “If we don’t show students the whole range of tools and resources we have to support them, then that’s where they’ll go.”

This is another opportunity for faculty members to create earlier and more frequent opportunities for students to evaluate their progress, such as intermediate check-ins before a large research paper is due, to limit the amount of last-minute work students are completing. Similarly, long tests can be divided into more regular quizzes to help students benchmark progress throughout the term rather than one heavily weighed assignment.

“We want to shift the conversation from ‘ Can we be flexible about this ?’ to ‘How can we create check marks to make sure that students don’t fall behind?’” Silverman says.

Professors can also prioritize student wellness with deadlines in practical ways. “Let’s stop the practice of having due dates at midnight ," Raper says. "It helps with sleep, it reinforces that we’re being very intentional—that’s a very easy change."

While such actions are individual solutions colleges and universities can evaluate, Raper sees a greater thread for administrators to reprioritize systems and organization to focus on student wellness, rather than responding at each concern.

“If we do not get organized, all we’re going to do is what we’ve been doing for the last 10 years; we just react and fund a lot of downstream things,” Raper says. “Which is not bad, it’s just not the only thing you can do, and [you] can’t expect things are going to change in terms of moving the needle around student well-being if we don’t move upstream.”

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Why we need to talk about teens, social media and mental health

Michaeleen Doucleff

Jane Greenhalgh

Regina G. Barber

Rebecca Ramirez

Liz Metzger

In 2009, only about half of teens said they used social media every day. By 2022, 95% of teens said they used some social media — and about a third say they use it constantly, a poll from Pew Research Center found . Daniel de la Hoz/Getty Images hide caption

In 2009, only about half of teens said they used social media every day. By 2022, 95% of teens said they used some social media — and about a third say they use it constantly, a poll from Pew Research Center found .

Rates of depression and anxiety have risen among teens over the last decade. Amid this ongoing mental health crisis, the American Psychological Association issued guidelines for parents to increase protection for teens online last year.

In this encore episode, NPR science correspondent Michaeleen Doucleff looks into the data on how that change has impacted the mental health of teenagers. In her reporting, she found that the seismic shift of smartphones and social media has re-defined how teens socialize, communicate and even sleep.

In 2009, about half of teens said they were using social media daily, reported psychologist Jean Twenge . And by 2022 , 95% of teens said they used some social media, and about a third said they use it constantly.

We want to hear the science questions that keep you up at night. Send us an email at [email protected] .

Listen to Short Wave on Spotify and Apple Podcasts .

This episode was produced by Jane Greenhalgh with Liz Metzger. It was edited by Jane Greenhalgh and our managing producer, Rebecca Ramirez. Michaeleen Doucleff checked the facts. Our audio engineers were Neisha Heinis and Hans Copeland.

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• The Link Between Money & Mental Health

Effects of Financial Stress on Your Health

Strategies for managing financial stress, how many americans suffer from financial stress, what is money dysmorphia, what is chrometophobia, the bottom line.

• Personal Finance

Your Wallet and Your Well-being: How Money Impacts Mental Health

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Financial stress is a reality for many people, but when it goes unchecked, it can become an underlying cause of mental and physical health issues. For young adults, developing a healthy relationship with money and mastering personal finance concepts can help them avoid financial strain and improve their overall well-being.

Through education and personal effort, financial well-being is attainable, and it’s not about earning a huge salary or owning expensive things. Rather, it's about taking control over your everyday finances, putting protections in place so you have financial security, and working toward larger financial goals while you enjoy life.

If you recently graduated from college or are just starting your career, here's what you should know about how money impacts your mental health and strategies you can implement to help achieve financial well-being. 

Key Takeaways

• Financial stress can have a significant impact on mental health, especially young adults.
• Effective strategies for managing financial stress include budgeting, saving, and asking for help when needed.
• Dedicating time to your learning more about money can support your mental health and empower you to make informed decisions.

The Link Between Money & Mental Health

What is financial stress.

Financial stress is feelings of worry and anxiety related to money. It could be day-to-day concerns like not having enough money to cover basic needs, or a general sense of not being able to manage debt or achieve personal goals like buying a home or affording a car because of fund shortages.

For young adults who are early in their careers and perhaps facing down major financial responsibilities for the first time, financial stress can be overwhelming.

“Money is one of the biggest stressors in life,” says Carolyn McClanahan , M.D., CFP, founder of Life Planning Partners. “And when you're stressed over anything, that creates physical issues within your body, like those stress hormones that make you not sleep or bring down your sense of well being overall.”

Money Stress in Young Adults

People may have different types of financial stress depending on their life stage. So while someone in their 50s might be concerned about not being able to retire, people in their 20s are more likely thinking about the here and now, says McClanahan. “How do you meet daily expenses without going into credit card debt ? It's day-to-day things that they think about and because we do such a bad job of teaching financial literacy, many younger people just don't know how to handle it,” says McClanahan.

Navigating young adult life can be challenging regardless of financial stability since there are so many major changes in a relatively short period of time, agrees Curtis Pope , CFP CFT-I, founder of Pope Wealth Planning.

“There are a lot of unknowns. This stage of life can mean new living situations, new cities, a new job, full independence for the first time in many cases, etc.,” he says. “If personal finances feel unstable during this time, it's another layer of new challenges during an already tricky time of navigation.”

On top of that, a good portion of young adults are also grappling with student loan bills . According to The College Board’s Trends in College Pricing 2023 report, more than half (51%) of 2021-22 bachelor’s degree recipients graduated with debt, and the average debt among borrowers was $29,400.

According to a Harvard study, more than half (56%) of young adults ages 18-25 report that financial worries negatively influence their mental health. “How we take care of our physical and mental health all goes together. And if we're having basic things like money stress or poor relationship issues, then that can start a cascade of poor mental health and physical health,” says McClanahan. 

As a financial therapist , Pope shared a list of some of the most common effects that he’s seen result from financial stress:

Anxiety and depression: Constant worrying about finances can manifest into increased feelings of anxiety and depression, affecting overall mental well-being.

Sleep disturbance and insomnia: Ever lie awake at night doing calculations in your head to try to figure out how you’ll pay for new brakes for your car, or if you can afford a quick road trip with friends? In a study by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine, 87% of people cited finances as a worry that has caused them to lose sleep; one-fifth of those respondents said they “almost or almost always” lost sleep worrying about money.

Physical health problems : Long term chronic stress can manifest into physical health issues such as headaches, digestive problems, and a weakened immune system. The American Psychological Association points out that stress can actually impact every body system, causing long-term problems for your heart, gut health, nervous system, and more.   

Relationship strain: Among Gen Z, 29% of people say money is their greatest relationship challenge. And that’s no surprise given the pressure that financial strain can put on relationships with partners, friends, and family. It could be from disagreements over money or lifestyle choices, but also, money worries can cause people to feel irritable and lash out at others.

Reduced work performance : Financial stress can lead to decreased productivity and focus at work, affecting overall job performance. In fact, nearly 3 in 4 employees (71%) say that financial stress negatively affects both their work and personal lives, according to a study conducted by Morgan Stanley at Work.

Avoiding social interactions : People under financial stress may withdraw from social activities due to lack of funds or embarrassment. One study found 72% of respondents skipped events with family, friends, and co-workers because they couldn't afford to attend.

Negative impact on self-esteem: Because money is so tied to value and worth, financial difficulties can lead to some people feeling like they are failures, impacting self-confidence. 

For anyone dealing with financial stress , the good news is that turning things around is within your power. “It's all about learning the tools of how to take care of yourself financially,” says McClanahan. This includes learning budgeting, saving, and understanding basic financial concepts like how your 401(k) works, understanding how to use your health insurance, etc. 

“All those concepts are building blocks to maintaining good financial health so that you can hopefully reduce the effects of money on your mental health,” adds McClanahan.

Here’s a step-by-step plan for coping with financial stress and healing your relationship with money:

1. Get to Know Your Money Habits

Before you can get into budgeting or creating savings goals, you should do a deep dive into your finances to see where you stand. 

“I'm not talking about monitoring your avocado toast intake,” says Pope. “Either create a spreadsheet or simply write down the numbers.” To get the figures you need, ask yourself these questions, and analyze your bills and banking and credit card statements to find the answers: 

• What is my take home pay every month? 
• How much are my fixed monthly bills? Include things like rent, car payment, student loans, insurance, gym, subscriptions, etc. 
• How much money is "left over" after I pay my bills?

This exercise could be eye-opening if you have never stopped to look at where your money was going. 

2. Create a Monthly Budget

Once you have your numbers, you can get to work on your actual budget .

“If there's $1,000 left at the end of each month, you'll want to set aside a certain dollar amount for savings and then spend the remainder on lifestyle,” says Pope. By lifestyle, he means the flexible spending that you do each day such as groceries, carry out, shopping, entertainment, etc.

If you find yourself without enough of a leftover cushion to live, then you’ll need to go back to your bills to do some trimming, or look for ways to increase your income.

For example, you might realize that there are streaming services you really don’t use but still pay for, or you might be able to carpool with friends to save on tolls/parking costs. You might also need to set some restrictions on spending when it comes to eating out or buying new clothes.

Consider using apps to track your spending moving forward to keep yourself accountable and stick to your budget.

3. Build and Maintain Your Emergency Fund

Did you notice that Pope suggested that savings is the first item that you should take care of with your leftover funds? There’s an important reason why. “Having an emergency fund will provide a lot more peace of mind,” he says, and therefore, reduce your overall financial stress.

Start off by automating a set deposit amount into a separate account with every paycheck. Contribute what you can, adjusting as needed based on the budget your created and your income over time. Ultimately, you want to grow your account so that you have enough to cover at least three months worth of your fixed bills, says Pope.

A high-yield savings account is a good choice for an emergency fund since it will help you earn interest on top of what you save.

Though it can take some time to fully fund your emergency savings, even knowing you have a few hundred dollars set aside in the meantime to cover an unexpected expense—rather than having to rely on borrowing—can be empowering and offer some peace of mind.

4. Find Extra Sources of Income

In most cases, people work a steady job and over time as they gain experience, their income increases. But if you can also find a way to introduce extra income streams, you may be able to fast track your financial goals and give yourself some budget wiggle room.

For example, you might be able to take on some freelance or gig work in your spare time. Or, if you are good at something like swimming or playing an instrument, see if there is an opportunity to teach lessons on that skill.

5. Use Education For Empowerment

People tend to stress more when something is unknown or unclear to them, and that can certainly be true when it comes to financial matters. But once you gain knowledge and demystify things that once seemed so complicated, you can feel less intimidated.

Here are some of Pope’s and McClanahan’s financial literacy resource recommendations:

• The One-Page Financial Plan  
• The Psychology of Money
• Behavior Gap Radio
• Afford Anything

 Self-education:

• Khan Academy Financial Literacy

6. Seek Professional Help When Needed

Depending on your money goals and current situation, there could be times when you may need to reach out to a professional for some guidance. Here are a few financial service providers to consider:

Financial therapists : “Financial therapists live and work in the overlapping Venn diagram between traditional financial planning and conventional (mental health) therapists,” says Pope. Financial therapy goes deeper into the psychology of money, helping you to think critically about your finances and begin to take positive action toward your goals. 

Certified Financial Planner : A professional can help you with your long-term financial planning and investing goals. Starting to plan and save for retirement while you're young can help you reap the benefits of compound interest.

Credit counselor : If you find yourself struggling with debt or trouble creating a budget, you can seek help from a non-profit credit counseling agency like the National Foundation for Credit Counseling (NFCC) . You can typically get a free consultation, but then services may have a low cost fee thereafter.

Certified Public Accountant (CPA) : If your finances are fairly simple, you may not need an accountant just yet. However, it can be a good idea if you decide to start your own small business or do a lot of freelance work since a CPA can help guide you from a tax savings perspective.

Though research varies, a large majority of Americans do feel financial stress from time to time. A 2024 survey by Thrive Global found 9 out of 10 people saying that money has an impact on their stress levels.

Money dysmorphia is a flawed perception of finances, or feeling insecure about one’s financial status regardless of one’s financial reality. This distorted view can cause people to make unwise financial decisions, such as feeling like you’re not rich enough to invest money for your future.

Chrometophobia is an irrational fear of spending money that goes beyond just being frugal. Serious cases could lead to someone avoiding any situation where they would have to pay for something, even for important things like healthcare.

Financial well-being is an important component for your overall mental health. By taking the steps to address your financial situation, you can take charge of your money and make it work for you – rather than just working to pay your bills. Once you flip the script, you can stress less about money matters and improve your financial mindset.

The College Board. " Trends in College Pricing and Student Aid 2023 ." Page 4.

Harvard Graduate School of Education. " On Edge: Understanding and Preventing Young Adults’ Mental Health Challenges ." Page 6.

American Academy of Sleep Medicine. " Financial and Health-Related Worries Keeping Americans Up at Night, Survey Shows ."

American Psychological Association. " Stress Effects on the Body ."

Fidelity. " 2024 Couples & Money Study ." Page 2.

Morgan Stanley at Work. " State of the Workplace II ." Page 22.

Brightplan. " 2023 Wellness Barometer Survey ." Page 10.

Financial Industry Regulatory Authority. " Start an Emergency Fund ."

National Foundation for Credit Counseling. " What Do NFCC Members Charge for Counseling Services? "

Thriving Wallet. " 2020 Research Insights Report/White Paper ." Page 7.

CPD Online College Limited. " What is Chrometophobia? "

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Best Mental Health Apps of 2024

Mental health apps are the perfect supplement to your wellness journey. The best one can help boost your mood, lower anxiety and more.

Our Experts

• Certified Sleep Science Coach, Certified Stress Management Coach

CNET’s expert staff reviews and rates dozens of new products and services each month, building on more than a quarter century of expertise.

What to consider

Mental health apps vary by feature, from meditation to guided sleep sessions to online therapy. Determining your goal will help you narrow down your top choice.

App credentials

Depending on your goal, you may need an app with licensed therapists or clinical research backing it up.

Many of the best mental health apps operate on a subscription model. Establishing your budget will help you narrow down your options.

User reviews

Reading app reviews before you download will give you a better idea of what the app does well and any potential pain points.

It’s always best to seek professional help when you’re struggling with your mental health. However, there are supplemental apps that can be a big help in stress reduction, anxiety management, mood elevation and more. Research has shown that some of the best mental health apps out there can be  a great way to improve  your well-being and record the progress you make on your mental health journey.

There's a lot to love about mental health apps: the variety, the affordability and the features. They also bring mental health resources to people who otherwise couldn't get help due to finances, disabilities or location. While they're not a one-size-fits-all, they can provide general mental health support. Just note that not all mental health apps are backed by research or clinical insights. With between 10,000 and 20,000 wellness apps out there, it can be difficult to find the best option. That's why we did the research for you. Below, you'll find my picks for the best mental health apps you can start using today to elevate your happiness.

Read more: Best Online Therapy Services

• Talkspace offers therapy with a mental health professional. Not all of the best mental health apps offer this feature.
• You can change therapists.
• Access to treatment and Talkspace features 24/7.
• Since it offers therapy, Talkspace is more expensive than other apps. This may put it out of reach for some.
• You can use insurance to pay for Talkspace, but some users have noted customer service wait times and other insurance troubles.

Best online therapy app

Talkspace takes our top spot for the best therapy  mental health app because of its 24/7 access to medical professionals. It's an affordable online therapy option that gives you more than just helpful guides and videos to watch. You have access to a licensed therapist wherever and whenever you need them. Talkspace is a great option for someone who is not comfortable going into an office or would rather have therapy appointments online .

A 2020 study found that messaging a therapist through Talkspace reduced feelings of anxiety and depression . A different study said that using Talkspace's voice, video and text features also reduced symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder , or PTSD. Note that the researchers of the studies had connections to Talkspace.

Within this mental health app, you have access to video, text and audio chat to communicate with your therapist. However, users note there is a 5-minute cap on audio messages. Talkspace is significantly more expensive than other mental health apps on the list. However, if you're looking for an app that allows you to talk to a therapist directly, it may be worth the price.

• Calm is simple to use and the exercises are easy to follow. It's one of the best mental health app for beginners.
• Features of Calm include breathing exercises, sleep programs, relaxation and mindfulness techniques.
• You have access to sleep stories narrated by celebrities like Harry Styles or Laura Dern.
• Calm offers a free version of the app, however, it is limited. You have to pay to access the full features.
• You do have to enter payment upfront when you sign up, meaning you have to remember to cancel if you decide it's not for you.
• Reviews say that the app has troubles and customer service can be difficult to work with.

Best meditation mental health app

Calm is one of the most well-known mental health apps in the wellness space, with over 100 million downloads . We consider Calm one of the best meditation apps because of its comprehensive offerings, including breathing techniques and calming exercises.

The Calm app is pretty easy to navigate and organized well. When you open the app, you are prompted to take a few deep breaths. Then you select what your main goals are so that your recommendations are tailored to your needs. You also can track statistics within the app, such as how long you have been using the app or how many sessions you've completed.

The free version of Calm is limited, but there is a 7-day trial that helps you decide if it's right for you. After the trial, you have to pay the premium to access the 100 guided meditations, sleep library and masterclasses, which is $14.99/month or $69.99/year. If you are ready to commit to Calm, it's good to go with the full-year option since it comes out to just under $6/month instead of the full $15. Or you can always stay with the limited free version.

• With Moodfit, you can adapt what the app offers based on your goals. Daily reminders and exercises will keep you on track.
• Moodfit has some of the best analytics available in the mental health app game.
• Moodfit does not offer communication with a therapist.
• The basic version of Moodfit does not include all that the app has to offer. The premium version is $8.99/month, which is a few dollars cheaper than the average cost of the best mental health apps without therapist access.

Best app to combat negative thinking

The Moodfit app has a lot to offer, and you can choose how to use this best mental health app. You can track sleep, nutrition, exercise and more during your wellness journey. Moodfit uses tools and sessions that help you assess your feelings, recognize negative thinking and change it.

The Moodfit app has pretty standard navigation. The "notices" tab at the bottom is what I would consider the educational section. There is a lot of good information available, like how your thoughts influence your behavior and feelings, but you will have to take the time to actually read it. Other mental health apps have a more interactive experience with imagery, videos and readouts.

Where I think Moodfit really shines is its analytics. With the easy-to-interpret charts, you can spot patterns in your mood and your activities. You also can track your mood down to the hour -- analytic views available are monthly, weekly, daily and hourly. Many apps do have analytics, but Moodfit puts a lot of intention behind helping you find patterns in your behavior and moods.

Moodfit's home page features your progress and goals.

• You can choose which mental health areas you want to target, which allows for personalization.
• Unlike other apps, Sanvello has an option to connect with peers who are going through the same things.
• Sanvello does have a therapy subscription that connects you with a licensed therapist.
• Unfortunately, the therapy option is not available in all states, and if not covered by insurance, it can get expensive.
• There are limitations to the free app. You have to pay a subscription to access advanced features.

Best mental health app for stress relief

Sanvello is the best mental health app for stress relief thanks to its full meditation library , guided journeys, health tracking and cognitive behavioral therapy tools. I was pleasantly surprised when using Sanvello . For me, it was a lesser-known option on the list, and it did not disappoint. You can choose what goals you want to target — reduce anxiety , feel happier, build confidence, etc. — and you can select as many goals as you want.

One of my favorite parts of the Sanvello app was how connected it felt when using it. Like other mental health apps, there is an education section. What's different is how it is presented. Sanvello uses text, videos and audio for a multimedia experience that is much easier to follow and digest. This comes down to preference, as some people prefer to read at their cadence.

The basic version of Sanvello is free. However, there are additional features that the app offers — like coaching and guided journeys — that are not available on the free version. There is a premium option of $8.99/month and a premium plus coaching option for $50/month which offers a coach with live connection capabilities.

The Sanvello app allows you to select which goals you want to target.

• Happify was developed by therapists. It's one of the most robust mental health apps on the list.
• You can personalize how you use the app by selecting what your goals are.
• When using Happify, you have access to a community forum or you can keep your account private.
• Happify also has a digital coach feature available.
• The free features available are limited. To access the digital coach and advanced features, you have to pay for a subscription.

Best mental health app to boost your mood

Happify is a free mental health app that focuses entirely on your mood and helps relieve anxiety. Developed by mental health professionals, Happify's strategies are derived from cognitive behavioral therapy that helps you learn how to recognize and reorient negative thinking.

Happify had the most thorough questionnaire when signing up. I was asked about relationships, employment and medical conditions to help personalize the service. As the name suggests, Happify focuses on positivity and tries to make your journey fun with engaging games. With the relaxation and mindfulness techniques Happify offers, you can boost your mood and relieve anxiety.

The app has a different navigation setup than other apps. Instead of having the navigation bar at the bottom, there's a three-bar dropdown you have to tap to bring up the menu at the top left, making it just a little more difficult to find things.

Various tracks are available from Happify.

• MindShift is a very interactive app that allows you to choose which type of anxiety you target.
• It's a free app that used psychotherapy techniques.
• Because it's free, you have a limited number of entries a day.
• The app may have technical difficulties.

Best mental health app for anxiety

MindShift is a free mental health app specifically designed to target anxiety. Categories within the app are broken down into general worry, social anxiety, perfectionism, panic and phobias. This allows the user to personalize which type of anxiety they want to work through.

As the name suggests, MindShift targets your mindset, meaning that it helps you identify what is making you anxious and helps you redirect your thinking to positivity. When you open the app, you're prompted to rate your daily anxiety score to track over time. The app is pretty easy to use and easier to navigate than other options simply because there is less available. One tool that stood out was the "thought journal" that helps you work through what you're worried about and how to overcome negative thoughts. "Coping cards" are also available to help you ease anxiety in the moment .

MindShift is much more interactive than other apps, as it relies on you to add anxiety scores and type responses to get the best experience. Other apps are mainly reading-based. If you want the best out of MindShift, you need to interact with the app.

• The topics and practices offered are focused on BIPOC mental health. This is unique to the mental health app space.
• You have access to a peer community that offers support and empowerment.
• Shine offers a free app version, though you will not have access to all the features offered.
• The price is about average when compared to the other options on the list.

Best mental health app for people of color

The unique experiences of people of color are often excluded from traditional mental health resources. The wellness app industry is traditionally not inclusive and mainly focuses on experiences that white people encounter. Only one in three Black Americans get the mental health care they need. That's why Shine is the pick for the best mental health app for people of color.

It's specially designed to target the needs and struggles of people of color, making mental health resources more accessible and inclusive. Shine offers meditations, self-care courses led by experts and monthly virtual workshops. You are also prompted to add a wellness check-in each day and are greeted with motivational messages.

Selection of choices for Shine app.

• It continues playing even when you go to another app. It is just slightly quieter.
• There are a ton of frequency options that you can favorite
• Additional features like health biometrics and gratitude journal
• 21-day programs available to follow
• Frequencies only last a set amount of time
• Sometimes, the app was slow to load
• Other frequencies like hormonal, digestive and immune support are hard to quantify if they work.

Best sound frequency therapy app

If you’re looking for an app you can use daily to boost your wellness passively, you’ll like Soaak. Soaak is a clinically proven sound therapy app that offers frequency compositions for things like stress relief, mental clarity, better sleep, focus and mood boost. Sound therapy may seem hard to believe, but there is research behind sound stimulation . For example, a 2020 review found that sound therapy can disrupt agitated brain waves and move them into calmer waves.

The Soaak app is easy to use, and I enjoyed how I could turn it on while doing other things. My favorite compositions to use were Energy, Sleep Well and Focus. You can listen to the sound frequencies in three forms: original, nature or music. If you’re new to sound frequency, I recommend first trying the nature or music versions. For example, the energy/high vibration frequency has rain sounds over the sound compositions. 

You can use the Soaak app by playing the sound frequencies or dive deeper into what the app offers with 21-day programs or custom wellness plans. However, the personalized wellness services are significantly more expensive, starting at $750.

Best mental health apps compared

How we chose the best mental health apps

The apps included on the best mental health app list have the best features supported by research. When selecting our picks, we examined each app's user experience, features and pricing. We also read through user reviews to tease out pain points and what people value in mental health apps.

Factors to consider when choosing the best mental health app

• Features: There are many mental health apps out there, all of which have specific offerings that may or may not fit your needs. When comparing the best mental health apps, pay close attention to what they offer and consider whether that meets your goal. For example, many apps specialize in relaxation, reducing anxiety and depression, establishing coping skills, and addiction.
• App credentials: Not all apps are backed by clinical research or insights, nor do they all have licensed therapists available through them. Depending on your goal, this could be an essential determinant of your decision.
• Price: There are mental health apps for every budget. Robust apps with therapists, like Talkspace, cost around $69/week. However, self-guided apps tend to be more affordable, though they offer less. Determining your budget will help you narrow your options and find the best app for your needs.
• User reviews: The best way to get a feel for a mental health app before you sign up is to read user reviews. They’ll help you gauge people's satisfaction with the app, give insights into any pain points to watch for and point out favorite features to check out.

Emergency numbers

If you or someone you know requires immediate medical attention in the United States, call 911. If you or someone you know is in suicidal crisis or emotional distress in the US, call or text the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline at 988. The 988 Lifeline Chat is also available.

To use the Crisis Text Line , text HOME to 741741.

For LGBTQ+ youth in need of crisis support, you can contact The Trevor Project's crisis counselors from anywhere in the US via text, chat or phone using the resources here .

For those facing mental and/or substance use disorders, you can contact the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) at 1-800-662-HELP (4357) for referrals to local treatment facilities, support groups and community-based organizations.

Mental health app FAQs

What are mental health apps.

Who doesn't want therapy from the comfort of home? Mental health apps are tools you can use to improve your well-being. While not all offer online therapy, they're simple to use and make managing your mental health easy. Each app will vary in what it targets. For example, Calm specializes in relaxation and breathing. Moodfit focuses on tracking your mood and finding patterns.

Mental health apps are not intended to diagnose conditions or be a replacement for therapy. Instead, they are a great tool to use for continued support daily. They offer encouragement, education and helpful activities you can use to improve several areas of your mental health.

Read more: Tips to Find the Right Therapist For You

Are mental health apps effective?

Experts are split on the effectiveness of mental health apps. Some studies  have not found "convincing evidence" that apps greatly improve outcomes related to disorders like anxiety,  depression  or drinking. However, other research has suggested that mental health apps have potential in  managing and improving symptoms  of select disorders.

The research on the effectiveness of long-term treatment with apps is young. Most experts agree that they are a great tool to support your mental health, especially when you  use them in addition  to other treatment options. They are not intended to diagnose conditions and should be viewed primarily as a complement to traditional treatment options.

What are the benefits of mental health apps?

Mental health apps bring resources to those who otherwise may not have had access to them, whether because of financial standing or regional location. And while they are not a true replacement for therapy, mental health apps are a great way to self-regulate and be mindful of how you're feeling.

• Convenience : You can track your mood, talk to a counselor or read about mental health topics from anywhere.
• Price : Mental health apps are significantly more affordable than traditional therapy. Many are available for under $20/month.
• Consistency: You want to be as consistent as possible during your wellness journey. With push notifications and props to check in, mental health apps ensure that you are being mindful of patterns in your behaviors or moods and how to meet your goals.
• 24/7 access: With a mental health app, you can access resources whenever you need them. While some of the counselors may not reply immediately, you have access to the app's other features 24/7.
• They can help: Wellness apps can help you achieve your goals, whatever they are. For example, they can help you recognize patterns in your mood or improve your coping skills.

Will mental health apps be the end of therapy?

Mental health apps are great tools that supplement your experience. However, it's unlikely they would ever replace traditional therapy, even the options that offer virtual therapy. Mental health apps have limitations in crises, and there are questions about effectiveness when used alone. Mental health apps aren't the best option for everyone. While the apps are typically user-friendly, some people still prefer to meet in person and have their therapists' undivided attention. It's all a matter of preference.

Read more: What Is Cognitive Behavioral Therapy?

Do mental health apps share your data?

With mental health apps, you can't assume that everything is protected under the  Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act . Mental health apps fall in a gray area. HIPAA only protects information collected by " covered entities ," including healthcare providers and insurance companies. Many of the best mental health apps on the market operate without connection to covered entities, meaning your information isn't completely private.

HIPAA applies to conversations with your therapist on an app. So you don't need to worry about what you disclose in those sessions. However, the apps' additional features — guided meditations, CBT exercises and mood logs — are not always kept confidential. Neither is the fact that you use a mental health app. The data you give the apps outside of therapy sessions can be sold for targeted advertising. And it's not just Facebook; your information can be shared with  public health and academics  for research.

Privacy will vary by platform. Make sure you read the privacy policy of each app to fully understand your protection.

Should you use a mental health app?

For many people, apps are an important tool to guide their wellness journey. While they are not a replacement for therapy, mental health apps are a great way to check in on yourself. My advice is that mental health apps  are what you put into them . Many of the free ones offer helpful, educational content. But you need to take the time to read it. Others allow you to work through stressors with open-ended answer boxes. But you have to interact with the app to truly benefit from it.

A wellness app won't give the client's relationship with a counselor that traditional talk therapy offers. And for some, that's not something they are willing to give up. But if therapy is currently out of your reach, especially due to cost, then mental health apps may be a good option. You won't get the highly personalized experience you could get with another person, but you can still learn healthy habits and skills.

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