(interpretive) phenomenology
Phenomenology originates in philosophical traditions that evolved over centuries; however, most historians credit Edmund Husserl for defining phenomenology in the early 20th century [ 14 ]. Understanding some of Husserl’s academic history can provide insight into his transcendental approach to phenomenology. Husserl’s initial work focused on mathematics as the object of study [ 15 ], but then moved to examine other phenomena. Husserl’s approach to philosophy sought to equally value both objective and subjective experiences, with his body of work ‘culminating in his interest in “pure phenomenology” or working to find a universal foundation of philosophy and science [ 13 ].’ Husserl rejected positivism’s absolute focus on objective observations of external reality, and instead argued that phenomena as perceived by the individual’s consciousness should be the object of scientific study. Thus, Husserl contended that no assumptions should inform phenomenology’s inquiry; no philosophical or scientific theory, no deductive logic procedures, and no other empirical science or psychological speculations should inform the inquiry. Instead, the focus should be on what is given directly to an individual’s intuition [ 16 ]. As Staiti recently argued, this attitude towards phenomenology is akin to that of ‘a natural scientist who has just discovered a previously unknown dimension of reality [ 17 ].’ This shift in focus requires the researcher to return ‘to the self to discover the nature and meaning of things [ 18 ].’ As Husserl asserted: ‘Ultimately, all genuine and, in particular, all scientific knowledge, rests on inner evidence [ 19 ].’ Inner evidence—that is, what appears in consciousness—is where a phenomenon is to be studied. What this means for Husserl is that subjective and objective knowledge are intimately intertwined. To understand the reality of a phenomenon is to understand the phenomenon as it is lived by a person. This lived experience is, for Husserl, a dimension of being that had yet to be discovered [ 17 ]. For Husserl, phenomenology was rooted in an epistemological attitude; for him, the critical question of a phenomenological investigation was ‘What is it for an individual to know or to be conscious of a phenomenon [ 20 ]?’ In Husserl’s conception of phenomenology, any experienced phenomenon could be the object of study thereby pushing analysis beyond mere sensory perception (i. e. what I see, hear, touch) to experiences of thought, memory, imagination, or emotion [ 21 ].
Husserl contended that a lived experience of a phenomenon had features that were commonly perceived by individuals who had experienced the phenomenon. These commonly perceived features—or universal essences—can be identified to develop a generalizable description. The essences of a phenomenon, according to Husserl, represented the true nature of that phenomenon. The challenge facing the researcher engaging in Husserl’s phenomenology, then, is:
To describe things in themselves, to permit what is before one to enter consciousness and be understood in its meanings and essences in the light of intuition and self-reflection. The process involves a blending of what is really present with what is imagined as present from the vantage point of possible meanings; thus, a unity of the real and the ideal [ 18 ] .
In other words, the challenge is to engage in the study of a person’s lived experience of a phenomenon that highlights the universal essences of that phenomenon [ 22 ]. This requires the researcher to suspend his/her own attitudes, beliefs, and suppositions in order to focus on the participants’ experience of the phenomenon and identify the essences of the phenomenon. One of Husserl’s great contributions to philosophy and science is the method he developed that enables researchers ‘to suspend the natural attitude as well as the naïve understanding of what we call the human mind and to disclose the realm of transcendental subjectivity as a new field of inquiry [ 17 ].’
In Husserl’s’ transcendental phenomenology (also sometimes referred to as the descriptive approach), the researcher’s goal is to achieve transcendental subjectivity —a state wherein ‘the impact of the researcher on the inquiry is constantly assessed and biases and preconceptions neutralized, so that they do not influence the object of study [ 22 ].’ The researcher is to stand apart, and not allow his/her subjectivity to inform the descriptions offered by the participants. This lived dimension of experience is best approached by the researcher who can achieve the state of the transcendental I —a state wherein the objective researcher moves from the participants’ descriptions of facts of the lived experience, to universal essences of the phenomenon at which point consciousness itself could be grasped [ 23 ]. In the state of the transcendental I , the researcher is able to access the participants’ experience of the phenomenon pre-reflectively—that is ‘without resorting to categorization on conceptualization, and quite often includes what is taken for granted or those things that are common sense [ 13 ].’ The transcendental I brings no definitions, expectations, assumption or hypotheses to the study; instead, in this state, the researcher assumes the position of a tabula rasa, a blank slate, that uses participants’ experiences to develop an understanding of the essence of a phenomenon.
This state is achieved via a series of reductions. The first reduction, referred to as the transcendental stage , requires transcendence from the natural attitude of everyday life through epoche , also called the process of bracketing . This is the process through which the researchers set aside—or bracket off as one would in a mathematical equation—previous understandings, past knowledge, and assumptions about the phenomenon of interest. The previous understandings that must be set aside include a wide range of sources including: scientific theories, knowledge, or explanation; truth or falsity of claims made by participants; and personal views and experiences of the researcher [ 24 ]. In the second phase, transcendental-phenomenological reduction , each participant’s experience is considered individually and a complete description of the phenomenon’s meanings and essences is constructed [ 18 ]. Next is reduction via imaginative variation wherein all the participants’ descriptions of conscious experience are distilled to a unified synthesis of essences through the process of free variation [ 25 ]. This process relies on intuition and requires imagining multiple variations of the phenomenon in order to arrive at the essences of the phenomenon [ 25 ]. These essences become the foundation for all knowledge about the phenomenon.
The specific processes followed to realize these reductions vary across researchers engaging in transcendental phenomenology. One commonly used transcendental phenomenological method is that of psychologist Clark Moustakas, and other approaches include the works of: Colaizzi [ 26 ], Giorgi [ 27 ], and Polkinghorne [ 28 ]. Regardless of the approach used, to engage rigorously in transcendental phenomenology, the researcher must be vigilant in his/her bracketing work so that the researcher’s individual subjectivity does not bias data analysis and interpretations. This is the challenge of reaching the state of the transcendental I where the researcher’s own interpretations, perceptions, categories, etc. do not influence the processes of reduction. It is important to note that modern philosophers continue to wrestle with Husserl’s notions of bracketing. If bracketing is successfully achieved, the researcher sets aside the world and the entirety of its content—including the researcher’s physical body [ 17 ]. While dedication to this bracketing is challenging to maintain, Husserl asserts that it is necessary. Suspending reliance on and foundations in physical reality is the only way to abandon our human experiences in such a way as to find the transcendent I. Researchers might borrow [ 29 ] practices from other qualitative research methods to achieve this goal. For instance, a study could be designed to have multiple researchers triangulate [ 30 ] their reductions to confirm appropriate bracketing was maintained. Alternatively, a study could involve validation of data [ 18 ] via member checking [ 31 ] to ensure that the identified essences resonated with the participants’ experiences.
Husserl’s transcendental phenomenology has been employed by HPE researchers. For example, in 2012, Tavakol et al. studied medical students’ understanding of empathy by engaging in transcendental phenomenological research [ 32 ]. The authors note that medial students’ loss of empathy as they transition from pre-clinical to clinical training is well documented in the medical literature [ 33 ], and has been found to negatively impact patients and the quality of healthcare provided [ 34 ]. Tavakol et al. [ 32 ] used a descriptive phenomenological approach (i. e. using the methodology of Colaizzi and Giorgi) to report on the phenomenon of empathy as experienced by medical students during the course of their training. The authors identified two key factors impacting empathic ability: innate capacity for empathy and barriers to displaying empathy [ 32 ].
Hermeneutic phenomenology, also known as interpretive phenomenology, originates from the work of Martin Heidegger. Heidegger began his career in theology, but then moved into academia as a student of philosophy. While Heidegger’s philosophical inquiry began in alignment with Husserl’s work, he later challenged several key aspects of Husserl’s transcendental phenomenology. A foundational break from his predecessor was the focus of phenomenological inquiry. While Husserl was interested in the nature of knowledge (i. e., an epistemological focus), Heidegger was interested in the nature of being and temporality (i. e., an ontological focus) [ 21 ]. With this focus on human experience and how it is lived, hermeneutic phenomenology moves away from Husserl’s focus on ‘acts of attending, perceiving, recalling and thinking about the world [ 13 ]’ and on human beings as knowers of phenomenon. In contrast, Heidegger is interested in human beings as actors in the world and so focuses on the relationship between an individual and his/her lifeworld. Heidegger’s term lifeworld referred to the idea that ‘individuals’ realities are invariably influenced by the world in which they live [ 22 ].’ Given this orientation, individuals are understood as always already having an understanding of themselves within the world, even if they are not constantly, explicitly and/or consciously aware of that understanding [ 17 ]. For Heidegger, an individual’s conscious experience of a phenomenon is not separate from the world, nor from the individual’s personal history. Consciousness is, instead, a formation of historically lived experiences including a person’s individual history and the culture in which he/she was raised [ 22 ]. An individual cannot step out of his/her lifeworld. Humans cannot experience a phenomenon without referring back to his/her background understandings. Hermeneutic phenomenology, then, seeks ‘to understand the deeper layers of human experience that lay obscured beneath surface awareness and how the individual’s lifeworld, or the world as he or she pre-reflectively experiences it, influences this experience [ 35 ].’ Hermeneutic phenomenology studies individuals’ narratives to understand what those individuals experience in their daily lives, in their lifeworlds.
But the hermeneutic tradition pushes beyond a descriptive understanding. Hermeneutic phenomenology is rooted in interpretation—interpreting experiences and phenomena via the individual’s lifeworld. Here, Heidegger’s background in theology can be seen as influencing his approach to phenomenology. Hermeneutics refers to the interpretation of texts, to theories developed from the need to translate literature from different languages and where access to the original text (e. g., the Bible) was problematic [ 36 ]. If all human experience is informed by the individual’s lifeworld, and if all experiences must be interpreted through that background, hermeneutic phenomenology must go beyond description of the phenomenon, to the interpretation of the phenomenon. The researcher must be aware of the influence of the individual’s background and account for the influences they exert on the individual’s experience of being.
This is not to say that the individual’s subjective experience—which is inextricably linked with social, cultural, and political contexts—is pre-determined. Heidegger argued that individuals have situated freedom. Situated freedom is a concept that asserts that ‘individuals are free to make choices, but their freedom is not absolute; it is circumscribed by the specific conditions of their daily lives [ 22 ].’ Hermeneutic phenomenology studies the meanings of an individual’s being in the world, as their experience is interpreted through his/her lifeworld, and how these meanings and interpretations influence the choices that the individual makes [ 13 ]. This focus requires the hermeneutic phenomenologist to interpret the narratives provided by research participants in relation to their individual contexts in order to illuminate the fundamental structures of participants’ understanding of being and how that shaped the decisions made by the individual [ 37 ].
Another key aspect that distinguishes hermeneutic phenomenology is the role of the researcher in the inquiry. Instead of bracketing off the researcher’s subjective perspective, hermeneutic phenomenology recognizes that the researcher, like the research subject, cannot be rid of his/her lifeworld. Instead, the researcher’s past experiences and knowledge are valuable guides to the inquiry. It is the researcher’s education and knowledge base that lead him/her to consider a phenomenon or experience worthy of investigation. To ask the research to take an unbiased approach to the data is inconsistent with hermeneutic phenomenology’s philosophical roots. Instead, researchers working from this tradition should openly acknowledge their preconceptions, and reflect on how their subjectivity is part of the analysis process [ 16 ].
The interpretive work of hermeneutic phenomenology is not bound to a single set of rule-bound analytical techniques; instead, it is an interpretive process involving the interplay of multiple analysis activities [ 35 ]. In general, this process:
Starts with identifying an interesting phenomenon that directs our attention towards lived experience. Members of the research team then investigate experience as it is lived, rather than as it is conceptualized, and reflect on the essential [phenomenological] themes that characterize the participant’s experience with the phenomenon, simultaneously reflecting on their own experiences. Researchers capture their reflections in writing and then reflect and write again, creating continuous, iterative cycles to develop increasingly robust and nuanced analyses. Throughout the analysis, researchers must maintain a strong orientation to the phenomenon under study (i. e., avoid distractions) and attend to the interactions between the parts and the whole. This last step, also described as the hermeneutic circle, emphasizes the practice of deliberately considering how the data (the parts) contribute to the evolving understanding of the phenomena (the whole) and how each enhances the meaning of the other [ 35 ] .
In the hermeneutic approach to phenomenology, theories can help to focus inquiry, to make decisions about research participants, and the way research questions can be addressed [ 22 ]. Theories can also be used to help understand the findings of the study. One scholar whose engagement with hermeneutic phenomenology is widely respected is Max van Manen [ 38 ]. Van Manen acknowledges that hermeneutic phenomenology ‘does not let itself be deceptively reduced to a methodical schema or an interpretative set of procedures [ 39 ].’ Instead, this kind of phenomenology requires the researcher to read deeply into the philosophies of this tradition to grasp the project of hermeneutic phenomenological thinking, reading, and writing.
A recent study published by Bynum et al. illustrates how hermeneutic phenomenology may be employed in HPE [ 2 ]. In this paper, Bynum et al. explored the phenomenon of shame as an emotion experienced by medical residents and offer insights into the effects of shame experiences on learners. As a means in scholarly inquiry, this study demonstrates how hermeneutic phenomenology can provide insight into complex phenomena that are inextricably entwined in HPE.
Incorporating phenomenological research methodologies into HPE scholarship creates opportunities to learn from the experiences of others. Phenomenological research can broaden our understanding of the complex phenomena involved in learning, behaviour, and communication that are germane to our field. But success in these efforts is dependent upon both improved awareness of the potential value of these approaches, and enhanced familiarization with the underlying philosophical orientation and methodological approaches of phenomenology. Perhaps most critically, HPE scholars must construct research processes that align with the tenets of the methodology chosen and the philosophical roots that underlie it. This alignment is the cornerstone for establishing research rigour and trustworthiness.
Following a specific checklist of verification activities or mandatory processes cannot buoy the quality and rigour of a particular phenomenological study. Instead, beyond maintaining fidelity between research question, paradigm, and selected methodology, robust phenomenological research involves deep engagement with the data via reading, reflective writing, re-reading and re-writing. In Moustakas’s approach to transcendental phenomenology, the researcher reads the data, reduces the data to meaning units, re-reads those reductions to then engage in thematic clustering, compares the data, writes descriptions, and so on in an ongoing process of continually engaging with the data and writing reflections and summaries until the researcher can describe the essence of the lived experience [ 18 ]. In hermeneutic phenomenology, scholars describe engaging in a hermeneutic circle wherein the researcher reads the data, constructs a vague understanding, engages in reflective writing, then re-engages with the text with revised understandings [ 40 ]. In cycles of reading and writing, of attending to the whole of the text and the parts, the hermeneutic researcher constructs an understanding of the lived experience. In both traditions, deep engagement with the data via reading, writing, re-reading and re-writing is foundational. While this engagement work is not standardized, Polkinghorne suggests that rich descriptions of phenomenological research might be characterized by qualities such as vividness, richness, accuracy, and elegance [ 41 ]. While we question how these qualities might be evaluated in a qualitative study, they confirm that attention to the depth of engagement in reading and writing of the phenomenological data is a necessary condition for rigour.
Phenomenology is a valuable tool and research strategy. For those who are not familiar with its philosophical underpinnings or methodological application, it can seem challenging to apply to HPE scholarship. We hope this manuscript will serve to relieve some of the apprehension in considering the use of phenomenology in future work. We believe that the appropriate application of phenomenology to HPE’s research questions will help us to advance our understanding by learning from the experiences of others.
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, the United States Department of Defense or other federal agencies.
Intramural Grant, Uniformed Services University
MD, FACP, is a general internist and chief of the general internal medicine service at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center and associate professor of medicine at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences.
MD, MPH, is an obstetrician/gynaecologist, professor of preventive medicine and biostatistics, and program director for the general preventive medicine program at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences.
PhD, is professor of medicine and associate director of research for health professions education programs at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences.
The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the US Air Force, Department of Defense, or the US Government.
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Researchers are being asked to respond to some of the toughest challenges our world has seen, requiring diverse perspectives to increase transparency, accessibility, and equity and to foster growth and discovery. There is a growing recognition that research is stronger when people who have directly experienced the phenomena being studied are involved—not just as study participants, but as members of the research team. These experts—often referred to as people with lived experience or lived expertise—bring an on-the-ground lens to complex issues that is pivotal when it comes to making research relevant and actionable.
The equity-centered research framework developed by RTI International’s Transformative Research Unit for Equity (TRUE) explains why people with lived expertise should play a central role in all stages of the research process. Early in an investigation, experts with lived experience can partner with researchers to identify areas of study that are aligned with community interests and needs, while producing findings that can inform policy and practice. In addition, people with lived expertise can make vital contributions in the design of study procedures, including creating survey and interview questions that are clear, respectful, and sensitive to power dynamics and the feelings of stigma or trauma that participating in research can evoke. Furthermore, the input of people who have intimate knowledge of the experience being studied can transform and enliven analytical processes, leading to innovative insights and helping shed light on paradoxical or unexpected findings. When studies reach the dissemination phase, having experts who can situate study results in the context of their (and their communities’) stories is an effective way to share knowledge with audiences outside of academia.
Tapping into lived experience expertise has multiple benefits, but many researchers have not been taught best practices for engaging people with lived expertise, and they struggle with knowing how to meaningfully include them. Below, we highlight several projects in which RTI researchers took concrete steps to substantially involve people with lived expertise in ways that led to mutually fulfilling collaborations and improved research.
A Crecer (“to grow”) is a multiyear, community-based prospective cohort study funded by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development focused on the health and well-being of adolescents and young adults living in Salinas, California. Principal Investigator Alexandra Minnis prioritized hiring a field research team composed of early career bilingual and bicultural first-generation college students, most of whom come from the Salinas area or from similar agriculture-based communities in central California.
The cultural sensitivity of the field research team—along with their strong commitment to conducting research to inform Latinx adolescent and young adult health—has contributed to the ability to obtain parent permission for minor-age teens to participate in the study and establish rapport with study participants and their guardians. This rapport was essential for meeting enrollment goals, achieving high retention, and facilitating the successful reengagement of participants and their parents after a 3-year pause in funding. In addition, these individuals have offered insights across all phases of the study—from refining the research approach and questionnaires to being instrumental in guiding the analysis of quantitative and qualitative findings. In response to interest from study participants, the field research team established a group of Young Adult Advocate Advisors to aid with study implementation. The group has also brought new perspectives to the interpretation of study results and guided the development of dissemination materials to be shared with community members in ways that will be engaging to young people themselves.
For most of the field research team, A Crecer was their first post-college job and their first job in research. By being encouraged to incorporate their lived expertise in day-to-day study operations and having their expertise recognized and valued by senior researchers, the experience led to new professional development opportunities. One team member recently began a master’s program and gave a class presentation on A Crecer , highlighting her role as a research analyst. She also brought study consent forms as models for a seminar. Although she has started graduate school, she remains in touch with her field research colleagues and has actively shared what she is learning in the program, both to help inform work on the study and to provide insight into the benefits of graduate school.
When designing the Gathering Online for Dialogue and Discussion to Enhance Social Support (GODDESS) study, Principal Investigator Felicia Browne wanted to create an advisory council of young Black women from Durham and Wake counties in North Carolina to play a key role in the project work. Born and raised in Durham County, Dr. Browne had strong insights as to how to reach young women who might be interested in joining the council. By giving presentations at a local historically Black university, attending community events, distributing flyers in local businesses and nonprofits, and engaging existing networks, she and her team recruited members of what would become the Black Advisory Goddesses—or BAG, a name chosen by the BAG members themselves.
Recognizing how valuable input from these experts would be for her research, Dr. Browne invested in making their participation in GODDESS a rewarding experience for them as well. The recruitment materials and interest form explicitly stated that BAG members would have access to networking and other professional development opportunities. When they signed up to participate, the experts were asked questions that helped the research team understand their priorities and needs, including, “What are you most interested in as a member of the GODDESS Young Women Advisory Council?” and “What goals do you have that you would like help achieving as part of this group?” Dr. Browne and her team used their responses to plan activities that helped members meet their goals. Through in-person meetings at RTI to foster connections, direct engagement with the Principal Investigator and study Co-Investigators, planned meetings with other project community boards, and opportunities to “own” aspects of the project as task leads, the project team listened to the requests of the BAG members and aimed to provide an impactful experience for each person involved in the group.
In their research focusing on people who have survived sex trafficking, Rebecca Pfeffer and Kelle Barrick are intentional about sharing power with community-based organizations and people with lived expertise. The study design for the Estimating Sex Trafficking in Sacramento County project was co-created with Community Against Sexual Harm , a local survivor-led nonprofit, and the Institute for Social Research at Sacramento State University . The project involved a Survivor Advisory Committee (SAC) that convened regularly and contributed to the design and implementation of the project. The SAC also wrote several “survivor action briefs,” including Survivors of Sex Trafficking, Their Children, and Opportunities for Intervention: Key Findings and Recommendations , Survivor Experiences With Law Enforcement: Key Findings and Recommendations , and Improving Survivors’ Experiences With Services Through Peer Advocacy: Key Findings and Recommendations .
In the Human Trafficking Policy and Research Analyses Project , funded by the Administration for Children and Families (ACF), people with lived expertise co-facilitated listening sessions and workshops. Multiple challenges arose in compensating these experts, some of whom could not receive direct deposits because they did not have bank accounts, were unfamiliar with the processes and tax implications of invoicing as a consultant, or experienced significant distress when notified of a payment delay or error due to histories of economic abuse. In addition to working with RTI’s finance department to create flexible payment options and clear communications for the experts, Dr. Pfeffer and her team submitted a 10-page memo to the ACF Office on Trafficking in Persons documenting the key lessons learned. The memo also contained economic empowerment strategies developed for engaging people with lived expertise of surviving human trafficking as research experts and participants.
As research continues to evolve, opening the door for unique perspective sharing is helpful to strengthen research and address some of our most pressing social issues. Whether exploring an innovative method for addressing HIV locally among young Black women or understanding the scope and nature of sex trafficking in Sacramento County, California , the inclusion of lived expertise in research enhances the quality of the project and maximizes the impact of the results. Hearing from individuals with lived expertise can also shed light on future areas of study, further facilitating the research continuum. By engaging in these critical collaborations and understanding diverse viewpoints and experiences, researchers can make significant progress to improve people’s health, safety, and well-being.
Learn how RTI is advancing equity in research and contributing to better health outcomes for all .
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The aim of this article is to demonstrate the usefulness of qualitative research for studying the ethics of care, bringing to light the lived experience of health care recipients, together with the importance of methods that allow reconstruction of the processes underlying this lived experience. Lived experiences of families being approached for organ donation, parents facing the imminent death of their child and patients being treated using stem cell transplantation are used to illustrate how ethical principles are differentiated, modified or contradicted by the narrative context of persons concerned. The integration of empirical data into ethics will help caregivers in their ethical decision making and may enrich care ethics as a narrative and interpretative field.
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Lived experience research is conducted by people who have experience of mental health issues and is therefore better placed than more traditional research to illuminate participants’ experiences. Findings that focus on identifying enablers of recovery from a lived experience perspective have the potential to assist people in their recovery process. However, this lived experience research is often difficult to find, access and interpret. We co-produced user-friendly and engaging resources to disseminate findings from six lived experience research studies. This paper seeks to answer the research questions: a) Did exposure to lived experience research increase hopefulness for participants?; and b) How else did interacting with lived experience research resources influence participants’ lives?
Thirty-eight participants were introduced to four resources of their choosing by peer workers over a four-week period. The helpfulness of resources was evaluated using mixed methods, including a quasi-experimental analysis of change in hope, an anonymous survey and in-depth interviews.
Findings indicated that the resources promoted hope, but that increases in hopefulness may not be seen immediately. Other impacts include that the resources: encouraged helpful activities; provided a positive experience; increased valued knowledge; encouraged people to reflect on their journey and think constructively about mental health issues; helped people to feel less alone; and assisted people to explain their situation to others.
The research suggests the potential usefulness of lived experience research resources, presented in user-friendly formats, in the lives of people who experience mental health issues and implies a need to nurture this type of research.
Peer Review reports
Lived experience research in mental health is research that illuminates the perspectives and experiences of people who live with mental health issues and is conducted either by researchers with their own lived experience or in collaborative research teams that include people with lived experience [ 1 , 2 ]. This paper investigates the usefulness of lived experience research in the lives of people living with mental health issues.
The importance of lived experience research in mental health is increasingly recognised and usually conceptualised in terms of three major benefits. First, consumer rights activists, using the slogan of “nothing about us without us” have argued that inclusion in research is a human right and a social justice issue [ 3 ]. Second, it can produce better quality research by enhancing methodological sensitivity, data accuracy, validity of results, and overall relevance to service users e.g., [ 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Third, people with lived experience have reported deriving benefits from doing research such as satisfaction, skill development, empowerment, and hope [ 4 , 6 ]. Lived experience researchers are increasingly adopting leading roles in conceptualising and conducting research in mental health.
Findings from lived experience research have the potential to be helpful to people in their recovery journeys. Numerous studies have reported the benefits of learning from the wisdom, strategies, challenges and successes of others e.g., [ 7 ]. Hope, a critical component of recovery [ 8 ], is also a major benefit of being exposed to the stories and experiences of others in similar situations. A recent study examined the types of experiences that people living with mental health issues described as igniting and maintaining hope [ 9 ]. Two sources of hope were particularly relevant to lived experience research. First, hearing positive stories of others’ experiences was important. As one participant stated: “the consumers’ voice was hope and healing”. Second, hope was promoted by learning gained from others with lived experience, such as “the key tips and strategies that other peers discussed.”
Observing peers who are living well and reading or listening to individual narratives of recovery are important ways in which people learn from each other and derive hope. However, lived experience research has the potential to bring together the stories of a variety of different people to provide a range of ideas and a bigger picture on particular issues, thus contributing to an individual’s store of resources for recovery.
While the researchers were unable to locate research about the direct use of lived experience research by people living with mental health issues, our collective experience has indicated that many who are not themselves involved in user-led or collaborative research, do not even know that it exists, let alone how to access the findings. Little is known, therefore, about how useful people might find lived experience research in their daily lives.
Our research team, consisting of researchers with and without lived experience of mental health issues, set out to address this issue. As research is rarely presented for a lay readership, we developed a range of user-friendly formats to disseminate lived experience research findings to people living with mental health issues.
This paper seeks to answer the following research questions:
a) Did exposure to lived experience research increase hopefulness for participants?
b) How else did interacting with lived experience research resources influence participants’ lives?
We collaborated with peer workers and final year design students to develop a suite of six lived experience research resources. These were introduced to consumers by peer workers, and the intervention was evaluated using a mixed methods approach. A mixed methods approach enabled the research questions to be addressed from different perspectives, providing a fuller picture than could be gained using a single method [ 10 , 11 ]. A quasi-experimental evaluation of hope sought to provide relatively objective evidence of the impact of the intervention; an anonymous survey provided comparable participant ratings of the intervention’s impact in expected areas; and qualitative interviews enabled inductive identification of experiences of most importance to participants. Ethical approval was obtained from the LHD’s Human Research Ethics Committee. Reporting adheres to guidelines for Good Reporting of A Mixed Methods Study (GRAMMS) in health service research [ 12 , 13 ].
We reviewed the literature to identify lived experience research papers in which the findings were directly relevant to the daily lives of people living with mental health issues. We consulted with peer workers and others with lived experience to identify topics most likely to be of interest to users. Through these processes, we identified six research studies to develop into user-friendly resources. Translating these began with a conference workshop [ 14 ] and a full day design lab focused on design thinking [ 15 ]. These were attended by service users, peer workers, researchers, clinicians and final year design students from the University of Technology Sydney. After the design lab, the ideas and prototypes were taken up by the design students for further development. They designed and produced the resources with regular input on content and format from the research team and peer workers. The resources are summarised in Table 1 . Detailed descriptions and photographs are provided in the supplementary materials.
Change in Herth Hope Index over time: all participants and by group allocation
During peer worker training, each of the finalised resources was examined by peer workers and the research team, who together reached consensus on how each resource would be introduced to consumers. This was flexible however, enabling peer workers to adapt their explanations and activities to be most appropriate to the needs of individual participants. The agreed upon protocols were developed into a peer worker manual.
In recognition that different content is relevant to different people, participants were asked to select four of the six resources. Peer workers introduced participants to one resource per week for 4 weeks. For most resources, the peer workers showed each participant the resource, went through some of it in detail, explained how it was designed to be used, then gave it to the participant to keep and use in whatever way they preferred.
The project was carried out in one Local Health District (LHD) in Sydney, Australia. The LHD employs 18 peer workers over three inpatient and four community sites. The project employed five of these peer workers to recruit and provide the intervention to clients of these services. Contacts between peer workers and participants took place wherever peer workers normally met with their clients, for example on an inpatient unit, at a community mental health service, or in a community venue such as a coffee shop.
Eligible participants were: clients of the LHD; able to speak and read English; and able to provide informed consent. Clients were excluded if they were considered by their peer worker or primary clinician to be unable to fully understand the procedures, risks and benefits of participation due to acute illness. We planned to recruit 30–40 participants as previous research indicated that this sample size was sufficient to show change [ 21 ].
Peer workers explained the study to all eligible clients that they saw in the course of their work. If a client was interested, the peer worker gave them written project materials (flyer, participant information sheet and consent form), offered to read through the forms with them, and answered any questions. Clients were given several days to read and think about the project and were invited to call the Chief Investigator to discuss the project further if they wished. In several days, the peer worker recontacted the client and, if they wished to participate, obtained written informed consent. Peer workers emphasised that the research was voluntary, participants could withdraw at any time, and participation or refusal would have no impact on their other interactions with peer workers or health service. Consent was considered not as a one-off event, but an ongoing negotiation between peer workers and participants [ 22 ], where the primary concern was participants’ well-being. Therefore, at each research-related interaction, peer workers obtained verbal confirmation that the client was happy to continue taking part. Participants were given a $50 gift voucher after study completion to thank them for their time.
After providing informed consent, participants were allocated to group A or group B to determine when they would receive the intervention. In most cases this was done using a coin toss, however, the staggered timing of recruitment and other peer worker commitments made it necessary for 13 participants to be allocated based on logistical issues. This also meant that the groups were uneven, with 25 participants allocated to group A and 13 participants allocated to group B.
Hopefulness was measured using the Herth Hope Index (HHI). The HHI is a 12-item scale that was developed for clinical populations, takes just a few minutes to do, has good psychometric properties [ 23 ] and has been used with a variety of different clinical groups in at least seven languages e.g., [ 24 ]. It includes three factors of: temporality and future ; positive readiness and expectancy ; and interconnectedness . Participants completed the HHI at three timepoints. Group A received the intervention between T1 and T2; group B received the intervention between T2 and T3.
Participants were asked to complete an anonymous online evaluation survey once only, after they had received their four resources (at T2 for group A and T3 for group B). This consisted of a series of fixed-choice questions about each resource including its impact on various aspects of participants’ lives and their overall experience of the project.
Semi-structured interviews [ 25 ] were conducted after participants had received the resources and completed T2 (group A) or T3 (group B). They were conducted by Author 8, who had not been involved in the intervention. An interview guide was used containing open ended questions. The interview guide was used flexibly, allowing for conversational flow and follow-up questions to gather detail about issues that were of importance to participants [ 25 ]. Participants were asked for feedback on the individual resources and about the impact of the resources on them. Questions included: ‘Do you think you got any benefits out of being a participant in this study?’ ‘Was there anything that you didn’t like about being in the study?’ and ‘Did anything change for you as a result of engaging with the resources?’
Interviews were conducted in person in a private room in the health service or, where the participant preferred, over the phone. Interviews lasted between 7 and 30 min, averaging 17 min. Interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim for detailed analysis. Participants were provided with both a copy of their transcript and a summary of findings and invited to comment, however, no participants provided additional feedback.
Herth hope index.
Total scores were calculated for each factor ( temporality and future ; positive readiness and expectancy ; and interconnectedness ) and the overall total score. To examine change over time, paired t -tests were completed between Time 1 and Time 2; Time 2 and Time 3 and Time 1 and Time 3 for all participants as well as for Group A and Group B participants separately. Statistical analysis was conducted using SPSS.
Frequencies were calculated and presented in visual format to understand the range of responses.
Data from participant interviews were analysed using interpretative content analysis (ICA). This hybrid method combines qualitative and quantitative techniques [ 26 , 27 ], enabling inductive identification of themes as well and reporting of the frequency of those themes [ 26 , 28 ].
The first step in ICA is inductive coding. Constant comparative analysis (CCA) was employed, as it is a systematic, rigorous, and well-established coding technique which minimises the risk of omission of data (Charmaz, 2014). Segments of data, such as phrases or sentences were examined and allocated one or more code names to reflect the underlying concepts they represented. Each new segment of data was compared to others to identify underlying similarities. For example, the data segments ‘just because you are unwell at times doesn’t mean staying unwell all the time’ and ‘Hope changed for me, it gave me a different angle of hope’ were found to represent the same concept: gaining hope. New data were also compared to existing codes and either added to these, or new codes were developed. Codes were compared to each other and refined by merging similar codes or grouping codes into higher level categories. NVivo computer software [ 29 ] was used to manage the data. Authors 1 and 4 independently coded the first three interviews, then met to discuss coding decisions and reach consensus. Thereafter, the authors met regularly to discuss and review coding decisions. These discussions were aimed at enhancing interpretive rigour, ensuring participants’ viewpoints were faithfully represented. When all interviews had been coded, and the coding list finalised, the transcripts were re-examined to ensure comprehensive coding [ 26 ]. NVivo was then used to identify the number of participants who discussed each theme.
When data from each component of the study had been analysed, the findings were compared to each other. Authors responsible for analysing different sections (primarily authors 1, 4 and 9) presented findings to the other authors and, through close discussion, questioning, and returning repeatedly to the data, derived an integrated interpretation of the results.
Sixty-four people were invited to be part of the study and 43 agreed to participate. Five participants (2 from group A and 3 from group B) withdrew from the study after the first assessment and did not receive any of the resources. No participants withdrew between receiving the first resource and the post intervention assessment. Participants were not required to provide explanation for not participating or withdrawing but reasons mentioned included: “limited time/too busy”; “not interested”; “couldn’t be bothered”; “school commitments”; “mental health is okay”; and “anxious”. Thirty-four completed all three assessments, while four participants completed only the pre and post intervention assessments. Thirty participants completed the anonymous survey and 33 participated in the qualitative interviews. Table 2 presents the characteristics of people who participated in the study ( n = 38).
While our intention was to recruit participants from inpatient and community settings, 36 of the 38 participants were living in the community. This was due to logistical and staff issues rather than potential inpatient participants declining.
The findings are presented below for each of the two research questions. During analysis, the impact of the research context emerged as a factor to be considered in the interpretation of the other findings. Therefore, findings around this issue are also presented.
Data about the impact on hopefulness of engaging with the resources comes from all three data sources: the HHI, anonymous survey, and qualitative interviews.
Participant responses to the HHI are summarised in Fig. 1 . There were no significant differences between Time 1 and Time 2 for Group A. However, significant improvements were seen in temporality and future (t = 3.4; p = 0.003), interconnectedness (t = 2.7; p = 0.013) and HHI Total Scores (t = 3.1; p = 0.006) from Time 2 to Time 3 and in temporality and future (t = 2.3; p = 0.030) and HHI total (t = 2.6; p = 0.019) from Time 1 to Time 3. There were no significant differences between time points for Group B. For the combined data set, significant improvements were seen in temporality and future (t = 3.1; p = 0.004), interconnectedness (t = 2.5; p = 0.018) and HHI Total Scores (t = 3.1; p = 0.004) from Time 2 to Time 3 and in temporality and future (t = 2.8; p = 0.008), interconnectedness (t = 2.2; p = 0.035) and HHI total (t = 2.4; p = 0.023) from Time 1 to Time 3 (Fig. 1 ).
In the anonymous survey, between 80 and 91% of participants who chose each resource reported that it had caused some improvement in their beliefs about their future or recovery, indicating an increase in hope. Responses for each resource are shown in Fig. 2 .
Has accessing the resource made a difference in your life in terms of your beliefs about your future or recovery?
In the qualitative interviews, more than half of the participants (17/33) described how interacting with the resources made them feel more hopeful, positive and empowered. For example, P13 stated, regarding the meaningful activities magazine, that “I just had a little bit of a light bulb moment saying, ‘Well, these things help these people feel better and all these ideas’, so it gave me a bit of understanding and hope for my future.” Similarly, P12, commenting generally about the resources, said that “Seeing other people’s experiences, and that’s really helped to know ‘I can do that too’.” It should be noted that participants were not asked about hope specifically; the theme of hope emerged in response to general questions about the impact of the resources.
It can be seen from Fig. 3 that an overwhelming majority of participants in the anonymous survey found each of the resources helpful, with between 46 and 75% of people finding each resource ‘very helpful’ or ‘extremely helpful’. Further, between 85 and 100% of people, depending on the resource, said that they would recommend it to other people.
Participant perceptions of resources
Participants also indicated that they perceived a positive impact of the resources on the specific aspects of their lives that were measured. For each resource, 60 to 80% of participants reported it had made a small improvement or a big improvement in their lives. Results are summarised in Fig. 4 .
Has accessing the resource made a difference in your life in terms of
The in-depth interviews allowed participants to state their perspectives on the impact of the resources that mattered to them. Overall, 30/33 participants stated, when asked specifically, that they had benefited from being part of the study. Of the remaining three, two answers were unclear and one was not sure if they had benefited. This participant, P31, also reported that nothing had changed for them as a result of the study. With the exception of P31, all other participants described some positive impact from interacting with the resources in subsequent discussion.
The positive impacts people described fell into a number of broad categories, described and exemplified in Table 3 . Counts are the total number of people who mentioned experiencing this impact. As noted above, these impacts emerged as responses to open questions, so a participant not mentioning an impact does not guarantee that they did not experience it.
While most of the impacts participants described were, as seen above, very positive, a few participants reported negative impacts. In the anonymous survey, three people reported that accessing a specific resource had a negative impact in one or two of the specified areas, as seen in Fig. 4 . To contextualise these responses, they were considered alongside each participant’s responses to other questions and are reported in Table 4 .
The qualitative interviews also revealed some negative impacts of the resources and provided more detailed information. Three participants reported experiencing some distress from interacting with the resources. It is not possible to tell whether these are the same participants who reported the negative impacts in the anonymous survey. Two participants, while reporting a positive overall experience with the project, said that they had found the content of specific resources distressing because of their past experiences and life circumstances.
P26: Just some of the recommendations [from the hope box] felt like a stab in the gut. Something that I couldn't do in my own life … the one about spending time with friends because I felt that I'd lost friends during my hospital stay .
P19: Personal medicine was, I didn't want to use at all. I just didn't anticipate it. I just, I actually had an upset because I'm an astrologer. I have my own personal way of looking at life … I don't want to have more psychology stuff .
The third participant described feeling upset from hearing about other people’s experiences but did find them ultimately hopeful.
P13: Some of what the participants were experiencing, I experienced those symptoms and I thought it is upsetting. But with what they've set their hope in things to do, it also made me think, well, then I can still feel hopeful about the future .
Participants in the qualitative interviews reported that they enjoyed being part of the research project. Findings from the anonymous survey supported this; in response to the question “Overall, how would you describe your experience of participating in the study?”, 18 participants (60%) reported a very positive experience, 10 (33%) gave a ‘quite positive’ response, and two (7%) were neutral. No participants reported a negative experience.
These positive experiences may not, however, have been about the resources alone. Ten people specifically mentioned that they had found being part of the research process a valuable and affirming experience. They appreciated being asked for their opinions about the resources and valued being able to contribute to a piece of research that they saw as worthwhile. Some reported being pleased to know that people with lived experience were doing research and found this hope inspiring.
P25: I really valued being able to, like, participate and do something worthwhile .
P15: I felt stronger because of it, like there's people that care and people that are making an effort to try and help and improve the lives of others .
P26: I think it's helped a lot with my recovery. Engaging with the materials and trying to make them the best that they can be .
The responses of fourteen additional participants to a question about what had motivated them to be in the study, also suggested positive feelings about the research process. Six of these reported that they had agreed to participate in the project because of a desire to make a positive contribution to their community and to the mental health system, saying things like “I felt that maybe I can make a difference for other people like me” (P28). A further six were attracted to it as a piece of research. P29, for example “was interested in the type of research”, while for P27 it was “because I believe in research”. Two more participants wanted their voice to be heard, saying, for example: “I thought it would be good to sort of have my own opinion put out there” (P20).
Four participants spontaneously expressed the hope that the project would continue into the future.
P14: I just hope something, you guys are able to elaborate on, give more of it, the research, to people. I think it's really good, because it could save someone's life. So, I just think, just keep going with it .
This study is the first to examine the potential impacts of accessing lived experience research for people living with mental health issues. Overall, the findings suggest that lived experience research, presented in accessible formats, can result in positive experiences and outcomes.
Initially, the results obtained from the HHI appeared counter-intuitive. The original hypothesis was that participants would demonstrate improved hope between times 1 and 2, for group A and between times 2 and 3 for group B (i.e., that hope scores would increase immediately after engaging with the resource). This was not the case. Yet results from both the anonymous survey and the qualitative interviews indicated that many participants did find engaging with the resources to be hope inspiring. The significantly increased HHI scores between post-intervention and follow-up for group A could suggest that more time is required before the impact of the resources is seen in relation to hopefulness, possibly to integrate learnings from the resources into everyday life. Perhaps if group B had completed the HHI a month following engaging with the resources (i.e., 1 month after Time 3), then significant changes may have been observed. The idea that changes in hope may not be immediate is supported by findings from a recent systematic review of self-management interventions for people living with severe mental illness [ 30 ]. This review found no significant difference in change in hope scores between treatment and control groups at the end of treatment (2 studies, n = 389, p = 0.07) but a significant difference favouring the intervention group at follow-up (3 studies, n = 967, p = 0.03).
It is also possible that the hope scores for Time 1 were artificially inflated through the process of recruitment and consent relating to the research project. Previous research has found that two experiences that contribute to hope are: feeling respected, listened to and believed; and contributing or helping others [ 9 ]. Our qualitative data suggests that people may have derived hope from finding out about lived experience research and being asked to take part in the research project. People felt that their views and experiences were being valued and could see that by participating in the project they were contributing to something that may help others in the future. It may well be that levels of hope, if measured before the project was explained to participants (a hypothetical possibility only) may have been lower, suggesting that the change between Time 1 and Time 2 that relates to the resources may be underestimated. Given that hope is an overall feeling about life, which is influenced by many factors, the finding that hopefulness increased overall within the short timeframe of our small study suggests a potential benefit of lived experience research that should be further investigated.
While participants’ reports of the impact of the lived experience resources on their lives were very positive, there were a couple of instances where a participant reported a negative impact. This was despite the involvement of peer workers and other people with lived experience in resource development and our efforts to present positive and empowering perspectives. In each case, the negative experience did appear to be within the context of a wider positive experience with the resources. However, given that every individual’s situation and history is unique, it may be impossible to ensure that a resource will never cause distress. Further, short term discomfort may sometimes be ultimately productive. Shifts in perspectives and understandings can often involve tension and conflict as people grapple with new ways of thinking and what these might mean for their previously held stories e.g., [ 31 ]. The findings suggest the importance of involving, in dissemination of such resources, peer workers or others who have a relationship with the person and are experienced in dealing with these kinds of issues, and potential distress. For people who are vulnerable, it may be advisable for peer workers to go through the resource with them, rather than presenting it as a stand-alone resource, while for others it may be advisable to check in with people about their reactions. This issue and the role of peer workers is discussed in detail elsewhere [Authors, in preparation].
When searching for research to use for this study, it was more difficult than anticipated to find appropriate studies. This was for two main reasons. First, there are no standard keywords to identify lived experience research and authors do not always declare their lived experience status. Anecdotal evidence indicates that the latter may be a reflection of stigma and potential discrimination in publishing. Second, we found that only a small minority of lived experience research suggested implications that could be used directly in people’s daily lives. Rather, most was aimed at increasing the understanding or changing the behaviour of health professionals and policy makers [ 32 ]. This type of research is clearly important. However, the current study highlights the potential usefulness of lived experience research focused on facilitating positive knowledge, attitudes and strategies for services users. It suggests the need for funding bodies and publishers to support lived experience research that will produce findings that can be used directly in people’s daily lives. The current study contributes to knowledge translation by highlighting a strategy that addresses the problem of accessing the evidence base and rendering that evidence base user friendly [ 33 ].
This study has several limitations. As with any study relying on volunteers, it is possible that participants were, at the outset, more positively inclined toward lived experience research than those who declined to participate. Peer workers may also have inadvertently differentially approached people they thought would enjoy or benefit from the resources. The sample size was quite small so, for the analysis of change in hope, it is possible that some real differences may not have been identified. A further limitation of the study is that 36 of the 38 participants were living in the community. While peer workers believed that many of the resources would be useful in inpatient settings, logistical and staff issues meant that recruitment was primarily from the community. Future research is needed to confirm the findings of this study with a wider sample, including people in a variety of mental health settings.
It should be acknowledged that this study did not compare resources developed from lived experience research to similar resources developed from other research that was designed to illuminate lived experience perspectives but was not conducted by researchers with their own lived experience. Therefore, while a number of participants expressed positive feelings about the research being done by people with lived experience, it is still unclear to what extent the lived experience authorship was critical to participants’ engagement with the resources.
It is also important to recognise that participants engaged with the resources, not simply as part of their everyday interactions with their peer workers, but in the context of a research project. Participants’ positive experiences with being part of the research project may have affected their overall reactions to the resources. It was impossible to disentangle participants’ experiences of the resources themselves from their experiences of being a participant whose opinions and experiences were being sought for a research study which ultimately aimed to help improve the lives of other people who experience mental health issues. The authors are currently designing a project to investigate the use of the resources in peer workers’ routine practice. By offering resources and training to a large sample of peer workers, then allowing them to use the resources where they feel it is appropriate, we will get a clearer sense of the usefulness of these resources in everyday practice.
Many benefits have been acknowledged in recent years of mental health research being conducted by or in collaborations including researchers with lived experience, for both the researchers and the research itself e.g., [ 1 , 6 ]. The current research indicates that lived experience research, when brought to their attention and presented in user-friendly formats, also has the potential to provide direct benefits to people living with mental health issues. By advocating for lived experience research and sharing the findings in accessible ways, researchers, peer workers and others can support people living with mental health issues to develop new knowledge that they can use for their self-empowerment, recovery and wellbeing.
The dataset for the qualitative interviews analysed during the current study are not publicly available as they consist of audio files and transcripts from in-depth interviews which, even with pseudonyms, might potentially allow individual participants to be identified. Deidentified data from the quantitative analysis are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
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We acknowledge the University of Technology Sydney students who provided their design skills for the resource development: Angus Armstrong, Emily Choi, Imogen Karp, Max Mamo, Bailey Tinta and Lilliah Woodham. We are indebted to our amazing research assistants, the peer workers from SESLHD who helped develop the resources and delivered the intervention: Alise Blayney, Nathan Clissold, Candice Fuller, Darren Wagner and Cheryl Wittingslow. Thanks also to the other peer workers and people with lived experience who provided helpful input and feedback about the project and resources as they developed. Finally, we sincerely thank our research participants, who gave up their time to be part of the study and provided us with their insightful feedback.
This research was funded by One Door Mental Health, through their Research Trust Fund. The funder was not involved with study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation, or publication.
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Anne Honey, Trang Thuy Do, Monique Hines & Justin Newton Scanlan
Black Dog Institute, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Katherine M. Boydell
Mental Health Drug & Alcohol, Northern Sydney Local Health District, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Francesca Coniglio
St George and Sutherland Mental Health Services, South Eastern Sydney Local Health District, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Leonie Dunn
Consumer-Led Research Network, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Katherine Gill
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Helen Glover
Upfront Leadership, Sydney, NSW, Australia
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Study conception: AH,KB,KG,HG,BT; Study design: AH,KB,FC,KG,HG,BT,JNS; Site access, ethics and governance management and research assistant support: FC,LD; Research assistant supervision and research management: MH, AH; Data collection: MH + research assistants; Data analysis and interpretation: AH, TD, MH, JNS. Manuscript preparation: AH; critical revision: KB, FC, KG, HG, MH, JNS, BT. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Correspondence to Anne Honey .
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Ethical approval was obtained from the South Eastern Sydney Local Health District Human Research Ethics Committee (Approval #18/144). Participants provided written informed consent to participate.
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The authors declare they have no competing interests.
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Honey, A., Boydell, K.M., Coniglio, F. et al. Lived experience research as a resource for recovery: a mixed methods study. BMC Psychiatry 20 , 456 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-020-02861-0
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Introduction, mapping the scope, summarising the four contributions to social work knowledge, discussion and conclusion, supplementary material, what is the scope and contribution of lived experience in social work a scoping review.
Cameron Parsell, Ella Kuskoff, Skye Constantine, What is the Scope and Contribution of Lived Experience in Social Work? A Scoping Review, The British Journal of Social Work , 2024;, bcae106, https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcae106
Lived experience, or people’s expertise and perspective derived from their involvement with events and interventions, represents an important resource for social work. Despite the appeal, lived experience is an ambiguous concept and the way social work knowledge is informed by lived experience is difficult to grasp. This article reports on a scoping review that maps the social work academic literature to examine how lived experience is used to inform social work. Over a thirty-three year period (between 1990 and 2022), we identified 1,877 studies. Of these, 110 met the inclusion criteria and were analysed for this study. Most studies (52 per cent) were published between 2019 and 2022, and a majority (43 per cent) were published from research conducted in the UK. The studies contribute knowledge to social work practice, education, research, and about the practical management of lived experience. The results show that lived experience contributions benefit both social work and the people contributing. An important implication is the opportunity for social work to lead the changes required to enable lived experience contributions to continuously inform the profession and contribute to social work realising its aspirational version of itself.
The poignant assertion, ‘nothing about us without us,’ represents an impetus for social work to incorporate lived experience into its ethical, intellectual, and practice domains. O’Leary and Tsui (2022 , p. 1075) refer to lived experience as ‘the knowledge we bring because we have firsthand involvement or exposure to particular events, occurrences or conditions that we have tried to make sense and construct meaning of’. This centring of the client’s perspective with the understanding that social workers are not the experts in clients’ lives or experiences, they argue, aligns with social work’s values. Indeed, and as Beresford et al. (2023) note, social work is one of the leading disciplines in the area. In the UK, there is a mandated requirement for ‘the involvement of people with lived experience in its [social work] qualifying education courses’ ( Beresford et al., 2023 , p. 1275).
Engaging lived experience is not merely a requirement imposed upon the profession. Social work scholars assert that ‘service user and carer involvement in social work education is central to the effective development of the future social care workforce’ ( Fox, 2022 , p. 587). Fox goes on to explain how lived experience contributions have been central to the regulation and development of social work education. In Australia, likewise, lived experience is gaining momentum in social work education; learning from lived experience helps social work students honour the experience of mental health clients ( Ridley et al., 2017 ). Videmsek and Fox’s (2018) research from Europe and the UK argued that social work’s professionalism has been challenged and enhanced through a commitment to service users playing active roles in knowledge creation. They argue that social work’s embracement of service user involvement, including co-design, sits within broader changes in Europe from total institutions to care in the community.
In North America, there is no formal requirement for lived experience inclusion in social work training. Nevertheless, the importance of the broader concept of lived experience influences the profession in both the USA and Canada. Anchored to the strengths-based approach, McCormick et al. (2018) drew on the expertise of people with memory loss to produce a patient and family handbook. They argued that the handbook would have the greatest capacity to be of value when it was co-produced by people with lived experience. In study of clinical social work practice, Lee et al. (2019) drew on epistemic injustice to illustrate how social workers can exercise power over clients by denying them the capacity to know themselves. As such, social work clinicians can perpetuate epistemic injustices when they assume the truth by virtue of their professional knowledge and thereby deny clients the status of being trustworthy conveyors of information about themselves. This critique illustrates the importance of integrating lived experience into social work practice frameworks. Here, we can see alignment to the US’ professional training standards. The Council on Social Work Education (2022 , p. 10) states that social workers acknowledge clients ‘as experts of their own lived experiences’.
The global definition of social work does not explicitly refer to lived experience; it states that social work ‘draws on a wide array of scientific theories and research’ ( International Federation of Social Workers, 2014 ). With a nod to lived experience, however, the commitment to science acknowledges that ‘much of social work research and theory is co-constructed with service users in an interactive, dialogic process’ ( International Federation of Social Workers, 2014 ).
Social work scholars advocate for the value of the profession to engage with lived experience, both explicitly and implicitly through cognate concepts, based on several justifications. These include: (i) the firsthand knowledge of policies and practices that clients possess is what Fox (2016) refers to as expertise-by-experience; (ii) lived experience informs social work about how problems are understood and made meaning of in context ( O’Leary and Tsui, 2022 ); (iii) clients experience the most significant impacts when policies and practices are ineffective ( Black et al., 2023 ); (iv) centring lived experience expertise conveys respect and dignity ( Unwin et al., 2018 ); (v) learning about and engaging with lived experience promotes equity ( Kia et al., 2023 ), and (vi) as a critical theory, lived experience can transform knowledge and practice ( Mahboub et al., 2023 ).
The latter radical notion of lived experience as transformative of systems and practice—rather than simply informative— connects lived experiences to analogous concepts such as co-design and co-production ( O’Leary and Tsui, 2022 ; Black et al., 2023 ). The nature of co-design and co-production, by definition, relies upon lived experience contribution and expertise, and can be a mechanism to equalise power ( Mahboub et al., 2023 ). Engaging lived experience to inform co-design is about social workers relinquishing power, premised on the recognition that complex problems require multiple stakeholders and perspectives ( Black et al., 2023 ).
There is much intuitively appealing about lived experience. The appeal, furthermore, resonates with the values of social work, particularly strengths-based approaches and recognising people as experts of their own lives. Yet the ideal of lived experience may be in tension with social work’s professionalism and commitment to evidence-based practice. Drisko (2017) illustrates the role of active collaboration with the client in evidence-based social work practice; this collaboration, however, still positions social workers as experts. Even though active collaboration assumes that ‘client choice has priority over research findings’ ( Drisko, 2017 , p. 116), the social worker is the expert in distilling information and presenting that information to the client so that they can choose from what the social worker has on offer. Active collaboration in evidence-based practice gives priority to the clinical expertise of the practitioner. This expertise is used to inform the client, to point out the limitations and possibilities of treatments and to highlight challenges the client might face ( Drisko, 2017 , p. 116).
Although we cannot conclude that the Code of Ethics of the National Association of Social Workers (2021) contrasts with lived experience, we cannot conclude that it offers strong support to progress it either. Premised on the recognition that the social worker holds the knowledge, the Code of Ethics states that ‘social workers should provide clients with an opportunity to ask questions’. An ethical requirement for social workers to ensure clients ask questions is well short of a requirement to enable lived experience to shape the profession.
To advance knowledge about the role and value of lived experience for social work beyond the intuitive appeal and in light of the way that the ideal can sit uncomfortably with some elements of social work, we need to systematically analyse how this concept is used and how it contributes to knowledge. This is a difficult area to systematically review, as there is no single and universally agreed definition of lived experience ( Hawke et al., 2022 ). Throughout the literature the concept of lived experience is, as McIntosh and Wright (2019 , p. 450) observe, frequently ‘used with little or no clarification about what it might mean or imply’. After all, they point out, ‘what is any experience if not lived?’ In the absence of a systematic analysis of social work’s treatment of lived experience, it is not possible to determine how the profession can engage with lived experience, and how it contrasts or is consistent with other areas of importance, such as active collaboration and self-determination ( Drisko, 2017 ).
This article presents a scoping review of social work literature that engages lived experience. The study aims to map the social work academic literature to examine how lived experience is used, including whose lived experience informs social work. It further aims to identify where and when lived experience contributes to social work knowledge. Finally, given that the arguments canvassed above about the need for lived experience—redistributing power, therapeutic benefits, showing respect, enabling dignity, improving practice through expertise—are unambiguously compelling, we scrutinise whether the social work literature presents research to demonstrate that these, or other, benefits are achieved. The study addresses three research questions:
What is the scope of the lived experience scholarship in social work?
How is lived experience examined, and whose lived experience contributes to social work knowledge?
How does the lived experience research contribute to social work knowledge?
A scoping review methodology was adopted to map lived experience in the social work literature. A scoping review is a systematic method that is suited to examining areas that are under-researched. Differing from systematic reviews that weigh evidence among topics that have a significant body of research, scoping reviews are appropriate to use on broad subject areas, particularly those informed by both qualitative and quantitative studies ( Arksey and O’Malley, 2005 ). The mapping of research in a field means that scoping reviews are well placed to inform social work policy and practice ( Lee et al., 2022 ). We adopted the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses, extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) guidelines. The PRISMA-ScR is a four-step process that includes (i) inclusion and exclusion criteria; (ii) search protocol; (iii) study selection process; (iv) and analysis. We present how these were employed in turn.
Studies were included in the scoping review if they reported on how lived experience informed social work. To ensure we captured lived experience, we also included synonyms or related concepts, such as consumer participation, co-design, co-production, and user-led. We included studies that examined lived experience in any part of social work, including education, research, policy, practice, or advocacy. Given social work’s diversity, including the diverse ways it can be described, we included social care, social services, and human services. We excluded studies if social work or synonyms were not mentioned (i.e. not relevant). In many cases, it was difficult to clearly decouple social work from health. Many health interventions have social work dimensions or deal with issues salient to social work. We took a broad definition of social work’s remit as an inclusion criterion. We included studies even if social work, social care, or welfare were only briefly mentioned as influenced by lived experience.
We included empirical studies that were qualitative, quantitative, or mixed method; we excluded studies that discussed lived experience in social work as an idea or ideal but did not engage empirical research that demonstrated how lived experience actually influenced social work. To be included, studies needed to be published between 1 January 1990 and 31 December 2022. We excluded studies if they were methodological, protocols, commentaries, editorials, or reviews. On the latter point, however, we included two review studies as they had lived experience panels that contributed to the design and analysis. To ensure rigour, we also excluded publications that were not peer-reviewed journal articles (e.g. chapters, reports, theses). We only included studies if they were published in English.
After a pilot search, we identified that many of the studies included in our search terms were studies that sought to identify the lived experiences of a population group. The identification of lived experience in social work as a broad area of study enabled us to clarify our inclusion and exclusion criteria. This scoping review is focused on (i) the lived experiences of social work clients or sections of the population that social work is directed towards (people experiencing injustices, exclusion, etc) and (ii), rather than general lived experiences of a population, the scoping review is focused on lived experiences of people who in some way informed any aspect of social work. We excluded studies if they (i) only considered lived experience among a population or (ii) drew on research about people’s general lived experiences and then considered the implications to social work. Lived experience was thus included if it did influence social work, rather than simply aimed to influence social work.
Guided by the inclusion and exclusion criteria, we searched title, keyword, and abstract using Boolean search phrase: (“lived experience” OR “consumer participation” OR “co-design” OR “co-production” OR “user-led”) AND (“social work” OR “social care” OR “social services” OR “human services”). The search phrase was developed to capture the diverse ways that lived experience and social work are described across the international literature.
The first author conducted the search in November 2023 across the following five databases: ProQuest (including Social Science Database, Sociological Abstracts, and Research Library); EBSCOhost (including APA Psycinfo, APA PsycArticles, and CINAHL); PubMed; Scopus; and Web of Science. From the search, 2,395 studies were identified. We removed 518 duplicate publications, which left a sample of 1,877 studies for the first round.
With the use of Covidence software, we screened the 1,877 studies according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Each abstract was independently assessed for relevance by two of the three authors. In line with Arksey and O’Malley (2005) , we sent for full-text review studies that clearly met the inclusion criteria, as well as studies that neither clearly met nor failed to meet the inclusion criteria. During this process, 1,657 studies were excluded and 220 were included for full-text review.
For the full-text review, two of the three authors independently applied the inclusion and exclusion criteria to the 220 studies. Conflicts were resolved through discussion. This process resulted in a further 110 studies being excluded. These were excluded for: not social work relevant, that is, there was no engagement with or connection to social work ( n = 61), not examining how lived experience did inform social work ( n = 27), wrong population, that is, patients of a medical intervention ( n = 14), published outside 1990–2022 ( n = 4), not empirical ( n = 2), not English ( n = 1) and not peer-reviewed ( n = 1).
A total of 110 studies were included for final analysis. The full references for these 110 social work studies are available in the Supplementary material . The study selection process is illustrated as a PRISMA-ScR flow diagram in Figure 1 .
We developed a strategy for charting the information in the studies. Charting forms the basis for descriptive analysis. For Arksey and O’Malley (2005 , p. 26), charting is an analytical strategy to synthesise and interpret the material in studies ‘according to key issues and themes’. To identify issues and themes, the three authors designed a charting framework. The charting framework consisted of (i) study information (such as year, study location, authors); (ii) whose lived experiences (e.g. young people, service users); (iii) primary domain of social work knowledge contribution (education, research, policy, practice); and (iv) research design.
In the final collating, summarising and reporting stage ( Arksey and O’Malley, 2005 ), we distil the core contributions that lived experience research makes to social work knowledge. In the charting stage, we identify four domains of social work knowledge that lived experiences contributes to: social work practice, social work education, social work research and practical management of lived experience. In our final analytical stage, we dig deeper into the four domains and summarise the contributions the studies offer to social work.
As a scoping review of peer-reviewed literature, neither the journal nor our university requires that the study is subject to ethical review. Ethical considerations were nevertheless important. First, the authors discussed and acknowledge the limitation of not having lived experience representation on the research team. This review is the first study in a broader program of research that seeks to co-produce knowledge about how lived experience can inform practice and policy directeds towards addressing poverty. Second, the inclusion criteria were deliberately designed to encompass the diverse ways in which lived experience informs social work, yet as we explain below, there are limits to who was included.
Figure 2 illustrates the temporal clustering of lived experience social work studies. Of the thirty-three years included in our review (1990–2022), fifty-seven studies—or 52 per cent—were published between 2019 and 2022. Comparatively, during the decade of the 1990s only three studies were published. The data indicate that lived experience is a relatively recent and growing area of social work scholarship.
Articles by year.
We likewise observe clustering in the countries where social work lived experience research was conducted. As Figure 3 shows, forty-seven studies, or 43 per cent, are from the UK. There were twenty-five studies from North America, including sixteen from the USA and nine from Canada. The fifteen studies from Europe were spread across nine countries. Australian studies ( n = 16) dominate the seventeen from Oceania. No studies were identified from low-income countries.
Articles by region.
Given that lived experience is an experiential phenomenon, most studies are qualitative. Figure 4 shows that eighty-nine studies were qualitative, and eleven additional mixed methods studies included qualitative research. Many studies included research designs where lived experience was salient. Almost half of the studies ( n = 51) reported either a participatory overarching research framework or direct service user involvement in the research. This included social work research that was led, designed and conducted by people with lived experience of social work.
Articles by method.
A great diversity of people’s lived experience informed social work. Figure 5 is based on how the studies described the people. We recognise, however, that groupings are not mutually exclusive: service user is a broad term; as noted in many studies, service users can also be people with disabilities, children and young people, and so on. The studies included in the review found that social work is not only engaging the lived experiences of people experiencing injustices and marginalisation, such as those who experience homelessness and poverty, but also involuntary clients, such as children and parents engaged in the statutory child protection system, people in forensic mental health hospitals and people who are incarcerated.
Whose lived experience.
The mapping identified important insights about which domains of social work were contributed to by lived experience. Nearly half of the studies ( n = 51) contributed to social work practice. We conceptualised social work practice broadly to include micro-therapeutic intervention, social work practice in areas such as statutory child protection, as well as social work policy and advocacy in areas such as homelessness, family violence and mental health. Figure 6 demonstrates that many studies, some 28 per cent ( n = 31), sought to contribute to social work education. As noted in the introduction, it is a requirement for lived experience to inform professional social work training in the UK. It is unsurprising therefore that nineteen of the thirty-one studies contributing to social work education were from the UK. The smallest proportion ( n = 12) contributed to knowledge about the practical management of lived experience.
Social work domains.
Drawing on the four key contributions of the studies as depicted in Figure 6 , in this section we analyse and present the key contributions of the studies within each domain. In doing so, we focus on the most prevalent overarching themes. As such, not all studies included in the scoping review are explicitly discussed in the summative analyses.
Engaging lived experience was identified as resulting in better services and outcomes; increased client capacities; the development of empowerment, agency and positive identities; and a sense of having a positive impact on services. Furthermore, professional development training designed and delivered with persons with a lived experience was found to be effective at increasing staff knowledge and empathy, as well as addressing issues of stigma and discomfort. Developing staff knowledge and empathy is important, as the research finds, because strong social worker/client relationships were seen as critical and as the foundation for other outcomes. The importance of peer workers was seen as particularly beneficial for ensuring that services and policy were responsive to service user need.
Lived experience within social work practice was also regularly positioned as important for challenging broader social policy and institutional structures. One study, for example, explored the place of client and service collaborations in larger scale political activism and in ensuring that lived experience priorities are foregrounded. Other studies identified social workers as holding the appropriate authority and value frameworks to collaborate and take actions to challenge discriminatory systems and support people with lived experience to engage in campaigning and community action.
Despite these opportunities, threats to the inclusion of lived experience in social work practice were highlighted. These were oriented around the impacts of limited resources and staff resistance. Indeed, lived experience involvements were often identified as being tokenistic or ad hoc, and therefore demoralising and/or falling short of their potential benefits. The research further identified power imbalances, staff resistance and staff biases as threats to collaborative practices and the adequate representations of lived experience. Other researchers identified the challenges of lived experience in navigating the bureaucratic tensions of the public sector or identified the need for structured supports that enable effective and sustainable lived experience involvements. Notwithstanding these considerations, the studies demonstrate the importance of lived experience involvement in social work practice to be valued and fostered through continuous and meaningful opportunities.
See Supplementary Table A for relevant citations within the Social Work Practice domain.
The research consistently identified that the inclusion of lived experience in social work education supported students to develop more nuanced and comprehensive understandings of the realities of life experienced by people who use social work services. Lived experience included exposing students to the viewpoints of people who are disadvantaged and assisting with interpersonal procedural skills, but the research goes much further to illustrate how students understood the experience, nature, and even solutions to disadvantage. For example, students developed a more structural understanding of social problems; were helped to challenge their stigmatised views and develop a sense of empathy; and felt better equipped to participate in the field.
Although less frequently reported than with students, the research detailed benefits to people who contribute their lived experience. One study found that service users and carers benefited from payment for contributing to social work education, but they particularly appreciated mutuality experienced with their peers and the formal recognition of their expertise. Several studies found service users having a boost to their self-esteem and self-worth through teaching social work students. One study observed that the training and opportunities provided to lived experience educators built their capacities in other areas, whilst another found that lived experience mentors appreciated that social workers are ‘everyday people undertaking a hard job’.
The research demonstrates that meaningfully engaging lived experience in social work education requires purposeful practice and deliberate resourcing, particularly resourcing for training and development, including for user-controlled organisations to ensure diverse representation. One study adds to this noting that it will require challenging existing structures within universities so that academics can ‘work with lived experience in broad and value-based ways’. This is critical because, as another study showed, organisational culture and supervisor attitudes are central to students being able to engage with and privilege lived experience.
Alongside the myriad benefits and the strategies for achieving lived experience in social work education, the research identifies important critiques and concerns. One study presents a nuanced account of how peer educators feel about their personal stories, which may be experienced as resistance and personal survival, instead serving the interests of dominant systems. The study critiques how social workers invite and enable service users to contribute their lived experience to social work education; social workers are compelled to teach their students to understand how lived experience in the classroom contributes ‘to wider systemic anti-discrimination social justice work’. The concern that lived experience in social work education can perpetuate unjust systems and stereotypes was explicitly expressed in one study, which warns social work educators that lived experience in teaching can be about highlighting the inspirational speakers, silencing diversity of experiences, and encouraging compliance with systems rather than transformation.
See Supplementary Table B for relevant citations within the Social Work Education domain.
The studies illustrate the centrality of ethics in enabling effective and potentially transformative lived experience social work research. Some studies argue that researchers conducting participatory research have a responsibility to sustain ongoing relationships with participants after the research is complete to facilitate their access to resources and benefits, including through disseminating findings and initiating meetings with community and policy stakeholders. Another study likewise identifies the need for reciprocity, whereby lived experience participants derive benefit, as determined by them. A further study proposes that collaborative research ethically co-designed to meet participants’ needs may ‘disrupt oppressive conditions often unintentionally perpetuated within research’.
The studies also identify a range of practical measures that must be addressed if lived experience can meaningfully contribute to research. One study notes the necessity to provide formal research methods training to people with lived experience, training that can be enhanced when facilitators have lived experience. Further, a flexible approach that is responsive to the needs of people with lived experience is required to ensure lived experience collaborators can engage in ways that suit their preferences. Some researchers say that it is the anti-oppressive and participatory approach that enables lived experience to contribute to and benefit from research. One study extends this, arguing that collaborative research can be transformative when it acknowledges the oppressive nature of statutory systems and positions lived experience in policymaking as a matter of human rights and social power.
Others report on the barriers within university and research systems that challenge the capacity of social work to conduct lived experience research. Many social work academics are learning about lived experience research as they practice it. Others raise funding and resourcing as barriers, particularly resourcing to appropriately support participants when the research reawakens past trauma. One study found that for some peer researchers, the precarious nature of their contributions and limited enumeration can exacerbate rather than challenge injustice. Even if sufficient funding is available to appropriately support and renumerate participants, other challenges must be considered. Many social work studies are funded by government; consequently, the research aims and questions are often formulated at the point of contracting, which subverts the capacity of lived experience to shape the research.
The literature provides compelling reasons to overcome the barriers to lived experienced social work research through highlighting the myriad benefits this research represents for the participants themselves. For example, the studies report participants developing research, employment, and advocacy skills through their engagement in the research, with some participants developing political advocacy to change the very systems they were disadvantaged by. The studies also provide insight into the epistemological benefits of lived experience research, foregrounding the value that is found in the unique perspective and insight only lived experience can evoke. The social work studies are significant for recognising the importance of what lived experience knowledge can contribute, on the one hand, and on the other hand, pushing us to consider how knowledge is ordinarily produced and by whom.
See Supplementary Table C for relevant citations within the Social Work Research domain.
Addressing the gap between the ideal for lived experience to inform policy and program design and the empirical knowledge about the structures required for its systematic delivery, one study found that dedicated resources for community building are the necessary ingredient to both keep lived experience engaged in the long-term and to enable the diverse lived experiences to contribute to cohesive objectives. Effective user participation is not, they observed, a given, but rather takes active practical management. The study found that for lived experience to meaningfully inform policies and programs, an enduring commitment is required, along with ongoing resourcing to ensure the momentum is maintained. This involves ongoing resourcing to support the capacity building of lived experience contributions, and over the course of a project, the contributions that lived experience will make invariably differ and ideally grow.
Another study similarly reports on the wider environment required to enable, or that can constrain, lived experience contribution to social work. Although even low levels of consumer participation in the delivery of services were perceived as beneficial by those contributing, negative staff attitudes directly undermined lived experience contributions. Moreover, staff attitudes that fostered a belief that lived experience contributions were futile to achieving positive change exacerbated the barriers to participation—and subverted feeling that participation is valuable. This resonates with another study’s finding that a community advisory board in a homelessness and housing organisation failed because its proponents did not address the staff’s concerns about what it meant for the organisation and for them. To sustainably integrate lived experience into systems, the user satisfaction must be demonstrated alongside the evidence for the ‘quality and effectiveness of services delivered’.
One study reports on the challenges citizens and service users face in contributing to the renewal of the Finnish welfare state. These challenges are a product of wider market principles shaping social policy that prioritise economic efficiencies. This study did not identify the ideal deliberative democracy shaping the Finnish welfare state, but noted some progress towards this end has been realised. They optimistically conclude, ‘once the citizens and the service users become engaged in co-production alongside the professional producers, there are many possibilities for positive returns’.
Another study found that vulnerable citizens were willing to contribute their lived experience through co-producing an intervention when trust and social capital were high, yet this requires social workers to move beyond knowing about the vulnerabilities of their clients to trusting their knowledge. When trust drives lived experience engagement, people’s sense of self as more than a client of a service is validated.
See Supplementary Table D for relevant citations within the Practical Management of Lived Experience domain.
Social work scholarship’s engagement with lived experience is multifaceted and diverse. Although our review identified only sparse treatment of lived experience in the ten years prior to and following the new millennium, it is not an idea new to social work. Mutual aid in social work’s commitment to sharing power to determine ‘what is, what should be, and how to get there’ is inseparable to lived experience informing social work ( Steinberg, 2010 , p. 59). Writing in 1994, Cohen observed that ‘the notion of consumer participation in agencies serving low-income clientele is hardly new. It does, however, need to be revived and refined’. Cohen’s observations from thirty years ago resonate with this study: lived experience—in the tapestry of ways it can be conceived—represents a set of ethical and intellectual principles that are necessary to propel the profession towards its social justice and inclusionary agenda. We have analysed the contributions to social work knowledge through four domains: social work practice; social work education; social work research; and practical management of lived experience.
Across the four domains, the studies identified in this review position lived experience as a phenomenon so crucial that it is not merely consistent with social work values, but also an embodiment of social work’s commitment to achieve social change, social cohesion, empowerment, and liberation ( International Federation of Social Workers, 2014 ). It is difficult to conclude that these transformations could be achieved in the absence of serious engagement with lived experience. A common theme in the studies is that lived experience is a necessity for the profession to realise its aspirational version of itself. Although this is an important theme, it is critical to emphasise that the research is generated from a small part of the world, mostly the UK, and to a lesser extent North America and Australia. Given the centrality of lived experience to enhancing the discipline’s agenda, we encourage social work scholars to develop this literature with research from across the globe. It is a limitation of our review, however, that we excluded studies not published in English. This means we would have omitted lived experience research published in many parts of the world. Two other limitations are important to highlight.
First, our inclusion criteria that focused on empirical research had the consequence of omitting important social work knowledge. Some social work material on lived experience has been published in commentaries and editorials. Even though authors have used their empirical knowledge to inform these works, they were excluded because they did not meet the criteria of empirical research. Second, the study is limited by excluding grey literature. It is likely that non-academic material online contains knowledge written by people with lived experience. This scoping review is limited by focusing exclusively on peer-reviewed, and empirical, literature.
Social work’s pursuit to achieve transformation through lived experience hinges upon the positioning of people who use social work services or people who more broadly experience injustice. For the ideal of lived experience to represent a vehicle to drive social work’s vision, the contributors of lived experience must be seen as capable and knowledgeable. The studies show that lived experience requires more than foundational social work principles of dignity and worth; lived experience relies upon trusting people as holding perspectives, experiences and knowledge that social work needs. The studies show that people will only offer their lived experience, and social work will only deeply engage with lived experience contributions, when people are engaged because they have something to offer that social workers do not have. Lived experience in this way is not simply ethical because people ought to have a say about a profession that seeks to benefit them; engaging lived experience is rather a requirement because it can produce insights that are required to help equip social work with what it needs to fulfil its vision. A central theme underpinning lived experience contributions to social work knowledge is an anti-oppressive approach. It is first recognising and then addressing the power imbalances between social worker and client that is core to aspirations for anti-oppressive social work approaches and engagement with lived experience. Lived experience is a resource that has the potential to contribute to anti-oppressive social work’s vision to disrupt structures and procedures of service delivery that hinder the liberation of oppressed people ( Strier, 2007 ). The potential that lived experience represents to fit into the transformative agenda serves as a powerful yet challenging reminder of whose lived experiences are included. Social work cannot advance by simply engaging lived experiences to inform the discipline, but rather through purposefully working to create the conditions where those who are most oppressed and marginalised can contribute.
Both the studies that tease out the barriers to lived experience and those that illustrate how lived experience is achieved demonstrate that the arguments for lived experience draw on the same premise as the arguments used to challenge the characterisation of people with identities such as the poor, the client, and the other. At its intellectual and ethical core, lived experience is a resource for social work when the people for whom social work exists can contribute as peers rather than the recipients of help. Writing about social work’s engagement with the concept of social justice, Atteberry-Ash (2023) observes to best meet the needs of individuals and communities, those individuals and communities need to be central to the advocacy process (2023, p. 43).
Atteberry-Ash’s (2023) ideas for an updated and conceptually rich notion of social justice require social work to understand people’s agency and work from participatory frameworks. The studies examined in this review illustrate where social work is premised on people’s agency, and their lived experience is engaged in ways that transcend their identities as other, such as looked after children, parents with children removed, or incarcerated women. The literature embodies the central elements required to move towards a rigorous social justice agenda. These ideals and opportunities evident in the literature are not always reflected in institutional practices. The social work studies that offer an opportunity to transcend othering must be considered critically within a practice landscape where people are indeed excluded based on their lived experiences. Bald et al. (2022) demonstrate the risks that criminal record checks represent for people to leave their past behind and to enrol in social work training.
The social work scholarship is cognisant, furthermore, of the systematic challenges to confront. It does not naively see lived experience as the panacea. The body of work presents the important resource limitations and institutional structures, including within universities, that constrain lived experience. More significantly, social work research is attuned to the way that lived experience contributions, even though they may be delivered and promoted with transformative intentions, become co-opted within dominant systems where oppression is located. In the same way that the research illustrates that lived experience contributions will not inform social work in the absence of resourcing and ongoing work, the scholarship is upfront that the potential systems change that lived experience may contribute will require more than enabling people to sit on governance boards, to give lectures to students and to co-design research. The studies show that social work has a responsibility to lead the changes required so that people, especially those most excluded, can contribute their lived experience.
Supplementary material is available at British Journal of Social Work Journal online.
Conflict of interest statement : None declared.
The research was funded by the Australian Research Council's Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course (Project ID CE200100025) and the Australian Research Council Industry Fellowship (IM230100850).
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Identity is how we understand ourselves and others through the roles or social groups we occupy. This review focuses on lived experience researchers and providers and the impact of these roles on identity. Lived experience researchers and providers use their lived experience of mental or physical disability either as experts by experience, researchers, peer workers, or mental health professionals with lived experience. They must navigate both professional and personal aspects to their roles which can be complex. Performing roles simultaneously embodying professional and lived experiences contribute towards a lack of clarity to identity. This is not adequately explained by the theoretical evidence base for identity.
This systematic review and narrative synthesis aimed to provide a conceptual framework to understand how identity of lived experience researchers and providers is conceptualised. A search strategy was entered into EBSCO to access Academic search complete, CINAHL, MEDLINE, PsycINFO, Psych Articles, and Connected papers. Out of the 2049 yielded papers, thirteen qualitative papers were eligible and synthesised, resulting in a conceptual framework. Five themes explained identity positions: Professional, Service user, Integrated, Unintegrated and Liminal. The EMERGES framework, an original conception of this review, found themes of: Enablers and Empowerment, Motivation, Empathy of the self and others, Recovery model and medical model, Growth and transformation, Exclusion and Survivor roots contributed to lived experience researcher and provider identities.
The EMERGES framework offers a novel way to understand the identities of lived experience researchers and providers, helping support effective team working in mental health, education, and research settings.
Patients now commonly help to teach healthcare professionals from their own perspective of what it is like to experience health difficulties and healthcare services. Consequently, the needs of patients are being better recognised by healthcare providers. Patients are also involved in research. These types of patient involvement lead to improved research and care. Patients included in this type of work are frequently referred to as patient providers, service user researchers, peer workers, experts by experience or lived experience researchers and providers. This might mean they are no longer viewed as people who use services but as people who provide a service. This review helps us understand how those in these roles are affected and how they understand themselves. We found they were sometimes described as either patients or professionals. Sometimes they were described as both patient and professional at the same time. Other times they were described as somewhere between a patient or professional. There were other important ideas that affected how they viewed themselves because of these experiences. These included feelings of empowerment and motivation from doing this important teaching and clinical work. The roles gave them a better understanding of their own experiences. These roles led to a personal growth and sense of achievement. The experiences of exclusion, and of being a patient affected how patient providers think of themselves. This understanding can lead to patient providers being better understood and leads to better teaching and training of healthcare professionals.
Peer Review reports
“My fractured self was pieced together in my pursuit of my newly formed service user identity… I once had only a tiny seed of hope, now this has blossomed giving me a new sense of identity, purpose and direction.” ~ Alison Bryant, Service user Advisor (2023)
There is a movement to integrate lived experience into professional domains with many mental health professionals now speaking out about their own mental health experiences [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Service user and carer involvement is a mandatory requirement for all Health Care Professions Council (HCPC) regulated healthcare training programmes in the UK, including, clinical psychology, and social work training [ 4 ]. It was introduced after a commissioned review by HCPC into the benefits, facilitators, and barriers to service user involvement from healthcare contexts [ 5 ]. The sector finds service user involvement is integral to the effective training of healthcare professionals according to the British Psychological Society [ 6 ].
The involvement of lived experience providers in expert-by-experience roles occurs in universities, through professional bodies such as the BPS’s Group of Trainers in Clinical Psychology (GTICP) involvement group and patient and carer representatives within the Royal College of Psychiatrists (RCPsych). The BPS’s Division of Clinical Psychology [ 7 ] also released guidance on valuing the lived experience of trainee psychologists and how to integrate it into their work. Whilst healthcare professions’ training and service improvement is informed through service user feedback akin to consumer and market led approaches [ 8 ], disability activism is more concerned with emancipatory outcomes, achieving greater citizen control and rights for disabled people and survivors, led by democratic models [ 9 ]. The emergence of survivor-led work has occurred largely through opposition to psychiatry and the medical model [ 10 ]. It is important to acknowledge that the consumerist model of service user and carer involvement in healthcare training has arguably been co-opted from the survivor movement [ 11 ].
There is increasingly more participatory involvement in research and policy development within healthcare. In the UK, the National Institute of Health research (NIHR) [ 12 ] provides guidance and mandates the process of involvement in research. Externally other research organisations in the UK such as McPin Foundation, National Survivor User Network (NSUN), Survivor Researcher Network (SRN), and Shaping Our Lives (SOL), to name a few, integrate and value lived experience. Due to the exponential growth in lived experience work, understanding how this work impacts people in these roles is essential.
There are several different roles where lived experience might be present. The focus of this review is determining the identities of experts by experience, lived experience researchers, peer workers and mental health professionals with lived experience. Integration of lived experience in healthcare educational settings is achieved through the expert-by-experience role, where those with lived experience act as ‘critical friends’ to the organisation [ 13 ]. Their involvement provides trainee healthcare professionals with insight into the challenges and experiences service users and carers have whilst navigating their mental or physical disability and of using services [ 6 ]. The expert-by-experience role contradicts the traditional role of the service user and positions them as experts and people to learn from, as opposed to contexts where they are perceived as passive recipients of care [ 2 ]. The expert-by-experience role highlights the visibility of their lived experience, with an expectation to draw on this in their roles. In a similar way, the lived experience of peer workers is evident through their label, where they work in a relational way with patients they support in clinical settings. As they work from a lived experience lens this has implications for whether they are perceived as staff members, peers, or patients [ 14 ].
Comparatively, the lived experience researcher role requires the researcher to draw on their lived experiences in the research they conduct and through which they interpret data, working in professional and academic contexts. Though due to the visibility of their lived experience, their credibility as researchers and the knowledge they produce may be doubted for example by epistemic injustice [ 15 ] where they are perceived through the stigmatised lens of a service user and their place in a hierarchy. In contrast, those in mental health professional roles can also have lived experience [ 3 ] but have the privilege to choose whether to disclose this or not. Additionally, their placement in a hierarchy may afford them further privileges in comparison to those in other lived experience roles. Although they are likely to experience stigma on occasions of disclosure from other mental health professionals, and from survivors of mental disabilities [ 1 ]. Therefore, these different lived experience roles may vary in different ways, including the visibility of their lived experiences and the extent to which this is expected, acknowledged, or stigmatised.
These examples illustrate the contradictory positionings of lived experience researchers and providers and how they can be complex, leading to poorly understood identity constructions. Hodge [ 16 ] identifies limits to patient and provider roles that are dichotomous and assimilated into experiential and professional knowledge bases exclusively. The identity of the lived experience researcher and provider do not clearly fit into these exclusive categories. These different lived experience roles may therefore give rise to novel formations of identity, requiring greater lucidity.
Benefits to integrating lived experience in mental health education and research results in empowerment [ 17 ], improved empathetic responses from healthcare professionals, influencing mental health institutions to be person-centred [ 6 ] and supports the learning of healthcare professionals [ 18 ]. Oliver et al. [ 19 ] describe the benefits of service user involvement but highlight the negative aspects of this work, including practical and personal risks to those engaged in this work. Resistance to the integration of lived experience by some service providers occurs through exclusion and tokenistic involvement [ 20 ], and queries over fitness to practice [ 14 , 21 , 22 , 23 ]. In addition, sometimes there are queries regarding the representativeness and authenticity of service users who are considered too professionalised [ 24 ]. These roles can cause emotional burden to those that perform them [ 25 ].
Further barriers to meaningful integration of lived experience can occur for several reasons. Service providers may want to maintain positions of power, they may lack experience in this type of work, or involvement may be at odds with the models within which they work, such as the medical or recovery model. Service providers may lack funding for these roles or may have negative views on the benefits of lived experience, or even vary over their subjective conceptual understanding of what it means to integrate lived experience [ 26 , 27 ].
These illustrations of risk to the lived experience researcher or provider, suggest the role may be unsafe and cause harm. Richards et al. [ 3 ] reported that the mental health sector is not yet ready or safe regarding integration of lived experiences. It is essential, and of great ethical necessity, that service providers do not cause harm to service users in these contexts. These roles, in which there is integration of lived experience in professional spaces, is likely to impact identity, an under researched area.
Research on identity of healthcare professionals has tended to focus on the development of professional identities in, for example, medical students [ 28 , 29 ] nurses [ 30 ], clinical psychology trainees [ 31 ], and social workers [ 32 ]. This research identifies the importance of clarity regarding identity, resulting in better team working, wellbeing and resilience. Additionally, experiences of mental illness, such as Psychosis, also influence changes in identity [ 33 ]. Mental illness and disability are the basis for undertaking lived experience researcher and provider roles and so it is essential to understand how these roles might further influence identity.
Identity theories suggest identities are formed via group membership [ 34 ], or the roles we occupy [ 35 ], and intersectional [ 36 ] and liminal [ 37 ] processes. Social Identity theory [ 34 ] can be used to explain the service user identity, who may self-define with an expert by experience group as their in-group, and from which they begin to share similar values, beliefs, and behaviours. They identify differences between themselves and others. For example, experts by experience in clinical psychology may find themselves in opposition to psychiatry. Tse, Cheung, Kan, Ng and Yau [ 38 ] find service user involvement provides the right context to lead to changes in identity. Social Identity theory suggests identities are formed in opposition to other social identities. However, the theory does not account for simultaneously occupying the oppositional positions of lived experience and professional identities.
Identity theory [ 35 ] suggests identity is drawn through the roles we occupy in a structured society. Individuals attribute meaning and expectations to these roles through interactions with others. The expert by experience can be seen to move between different identities such as the patient and professional, dependent on context and whom they are talking to [ 20 ]. We seek to preserve the clarity of one’s own role, resulting in more certainty and satisfaction with our own identities [ 39 ]. The lived experience role, however, spans both patient and professional, resulting in contradictory meanings which are likely to be unsatisfactory, due to a lack of clarity. This suggests a complexity to these roles that identity theory may not completely account for.
Liminality [ 37 ] better accounts for ‘in between states.’ Liminality is understood as “a position of ambiguity and uncertainty” (Beech [ 40 ]; p. 287). The concept describes the role of peer workers and peer researchers [ 14 , 25 ]. Liminality may be useful in explaining lived experience roles. Although, the concept undermines the complexity of the lived experience researcher or providers’ identity due to the suggestion of an absence of identity.
Intersectionality [ 36 ] refers to the intersecting personal elements of an individual such as race, gender, class, ethnicity, sexuality, and others, that in conjunction with each other, compound the experience of discrimination. Mental health identities and professional identities may also be influenced by intersectionality [ 41 ], suggesting the role may be burdensome. Additionally, Liminality [ 37 ], may also be burdensome, and interact and impact identity, similarly to the process of intersectionality [ 41 ].
The theories do not explain the identity of lived experience researchers and providers. Considering lived experience researcher and provider roles are increasingly common, a better understanding of how these roles impact identity is required. This will support others to better understand those in these roles, encourage better team working and identify influencing factors relating to the formation of identity.
Systematic reviews have focussed on service user involvement, the process of involvement and, but to a lesser extent, on the impact of involvement on learning and clinical skills [ 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 ]. A systematic review and conceptual framework of recovery of mental health patients has been conducted [ 46 ], a conceptual understanding of identity changes in psychosis [ 33 ], and a literature review into service user involvement and identity [ 47 ]. However, currently, there is limited research into the identity formation of lived experience researchers and providers and no systematic review that provides a synthesis and conceptual framework of factors relating to their identity development. This systematic narrative review will combine articles that focus on identity across different roles that features lived experience, including experts by experience, lived experience researchers, peer workers and mental health professionals with lived experience. It will explore the similarities and differences relating to their identity constructions. This will be a starting point from which to identify how identities across these groups are constructed and offer a contribution to the limited research in the area. This will further elucidate and give clarity to the identities of lived experience researchers and providers.
Aims The aim of the review is to identify how identity has been conceptualised in relation to lived experience researchers and providers in mental health, education, and research settings.
The secondary objectives are to develop a conceptual framework to describe the identities of lived experience researchers and providers.
Conditions or domain being studied.
The systematic review explored lived experience researchers and providers and how their identities were impacted by these roles in mental health, education, and research.
The review was conducted by VG, PhD researcher, and PF, LG, BG, Clinical psychologists, and CE, research psychologist. VG is also an expert by experience for two involvement groups for clinical psychology programmes and is a service user advisor to national research projects related to their own individual experiences. The research team see this as a strength but are aware of the potential biases each of their own experiences may cause in relation to the design and analysis of the research. This was mitigated by themes and findings of this review being discussed as a team. The review held pragmatism as its epistemology to understand findings and collate studies that differed in methodologies and philosophical perspectives. SA and RQ were independent PhD students each with their own lived experience and academic knowledge contributing to quality appraisal alongside VG. Service user advisor AB also brought her own lived experience to help assess validity of the findings. The GRIPP2 checklist also details the nature of lived experience within the systematic review. VG also kept a reflective diary throughout the process to better understand the emerging themes and relationships between the data, as well as to record feedback from across the research team discussions and those with lived experience.
The search strategy was trialled and tested in an iterative way until it was optimal in capturing relevant articles for the review. The search strategy was co-created with the research team and a university librarian was also consulted. The search strategy is detailed in Table 1 , which was inputted into the University of Liverpool database, on 21st November 2021 and re-run on 17th May 2022 using EBSCO to access journals from Academic search complete, CINAHL, MEDLINE, PsycINFO, Psych Articles, and University of Liverpool Catalogue was used for this. Hand searching of references from papers was conducted. Connected papers website was used to search for related papers. Figure 1 reports the selection procedure.
PRISMA Flow diagram of selection process
VG initially assessed eligibility of studies using criteria established in Table 2 . Where there were queries over eligibility the supervisory team were consulted, PF, CE, LG, and BG.
The characteristics of the studies, type of study, method used, sample size, participant demographics, research aims, and findings were extracted. More specifically, effects and impact of lived experience researchers and providers’ work on identity were extracted through preliminary summaries and themes extracted of each study.
The review followed the PRISMA [ 48 ] protocol for conducting systematic reviews. The modified version of Popay et al. [ 49 ] stages of developing a conceptual framework was applied to the synthesis. The stages were (1) Develop a preliminary synthesis of findings, (2) Explore relationships in the data within and between studies and (3) Assess the robustness of the synthesis. This methodology was used as it is a systematic way to conduct a narrative synthesis and reports the process transparently. This methodology has also previously been used successfully in a systematic narrative review to develop a conceptual framework before [ 33 ]. Stages 1 and 2 were undertaken by VG.
This stage involved tabulation and a thematic analysis of the identity of lived experience researchers and providers. An overview of the characteristics and themes of each study are in Additional file 1 : Table S1. This preliminary synthesis informed the development of a coding framework and each article within the review inductively coded to identify additional themes, using NVIVO, this allows for new and emerging themes and a flexible coding approach to the different articles.
The studies were assessed for similarities and differences to identify emerging themes that explain identity. The studies in the four different groups, mental health professionals with lived experience, peer workers, lived experience researchers, and experts by experience, were analysed separately in this sequential order. The results were compared and synthesised to see if the research areas held different or similar conceptualisations of identity, and these supported in translating the initial synthesis into a conceptual framework. Codes across the articles that were similar in meaning were brought together and labelled under overarching themes. The methodology followed allowed for flexibility, allowing the researchers to pre-define the methodology of the three stages, as detailed, which were rigorously followed.
Quality appraisal was conducted using Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) critical appraisal tool [ 50 ] by three independent researchers, VG, SA and RQ, using the same procedure and variation discussed until consensus was reached over the course of two meetings. The reviewers were each PhD researchers and two of these reviewers with lived experience. To understand the robustness of the synthesis service user advisors (1), lived experience researchers (3), and academic mental health professionals (3) were consulted to see whether the conceptual framework fitted with the way they understood their identities as lived experience researchers and providers. This involved gaining feedback and asking the question ‘Does this fit with how you understand your experiences as a lived experience researcher/provider?” The purpose of this was to check the validity of the conceptual framework. This is further evidenced through a reflective account by Service user Advisor, AB.
The SPIDER tool for qualitative research, Cooke et al. [ 51 ] was used to describe the eligibility of articles within the review. This is commonly used in qualitative syntheses. The review only included articles with a focus on identity of those who performed lived experience researcher and provider roles in the context of mental health, training, and research settings and not for example in medical settings. Only participants of adult age were included. This is detailed in Table 2 .
The search strategy yielded 2049 articles from the databases and after duplicates were excluded resulted in a total of 1465 articles. Of the 1465 articles screened, thirteen articles met the inclusion criteria, as shown in Figure 1 . These were published between 2011 and 2022 and originated from USA, Australia, UK, Canada, Finland, and Belgium, and sample size of the studies ranged from 1 to 46 participants. These studies explored the identities of mental health professionals who were also survivors or service users [ 1 , 3 ]; the identities of peer workers [ 14 , 21 , 22 ] social work students [ 23 ] service user researchers, experts by experience and co-researchers and peer researchers [ 20 , 25 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 ] and service user and carer representatives [ 56 ]. All studies were qualitative but varied in methodology, epistemology, and analysis and so a pragmatic approach was used to synthesise different approaches. One of the studies was part of a randomised controlled trial and another part of a pilot study and all, empirical qualitative studies. A synthesis of the findings follows, followed by a translation of these findings into a conceptual framework.
The Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) [ 50 ] quality appraisal tool for qualitative research was used to assess the quality of each paper using 10 items that were scored as yes, unclear, and no regarding quality. Three independent researchers assessed the 13 papers. Following discussion over differences in ratings, consensus was reached. Fleiss’ Kappa interrater agreement was moderate, k = 0.485, p < 0.001. Kappa agreement for ratings of No, k = 0.769, p < 0.001, Yes, k = 0.554, p < 0.001 and Unclear, k = 0.184, p < 0.001. The mode quality appraisal ratings can be seen in Table 3 . Ethical approval was not stated in some studies [ 1 , 20 , 23 ]. There was some bias in the recruitment process [ 1 ] for example this study recruited participants from their own personal networks. Each of the studies lacked diversity in their sample regarding ethnicity and gender. 8 studies did not report demographics on ethnicity [ 1 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 52 , 53 , 54 ]. 3 studies did not report gender [ 1 , 23 , 53 ] and 1 study reported this ambiguously [ 52 ] and Cooke et al. [ 55 ] included a sample of only white females. Age was not reported in 5 studies [ 1 , 3 , 21 , 23 , 25 ] and 1 study reported that participants were of adult age, but no descriptive statistics were included [ 22 ]. Each of the studies varied in philosophical approaches and methodologies. There were also limited statements identifying the researchers’ own positionality in relation to the research, either theoretically or culturally, [ 23 , 25 ] and it was unclear in 3 studies [ 14 , 22 , 52 ] and very limited acknowledgement of the researcher’s impact on both the research and vice versa, which was not identified in 4 studies [ 14 , 23 , 25 , 52 ]. Different lived experience researcher and provider roles were treated as a homogenous group within 2 studies [ 1 , 3 ]. All but one study allowed for heterogeneity regarding type of lived experience of mental or physical disability. Cooke et al. [ 55 ] only included people with a personality disorder diagnosis. 2 studies were heavily theoretically driven without the researchers acknowledging the deductive approach they used and its influence on findings [ 14 , 56 ].
Stage 1 involved summarising, tabulating, and data extraction of the studies in the review according to the pre-defined methodology. This is presented in Additional file 1 : Table S1.
Stage 2 involved synthesising these studies and identifying similarities and differences, in the relationships within and between the studies. Five main themes of identity positions were identified and seven themes relating to identity development. The following section explores these themes across the studies. Table 4 details the positions of identity found, and Table 5 identifies how the studies contribute to the development of the EMERGES framework.
Five identity positions became apparent; each of these is described below in Table 4 .
Service user and survivor identities were common across all studies. The data identified service users, survivors, drug users and experts by experience. These identities were separate to the service provider and held less power, control, and respect. Cameron et al. [ 20 ] reported that services perceived the service user or disabled person as the one with a problem. Their identities are also perceived as “limiting” (Newcomb et al., [ 23 ], p 2). DeRuysscher et al. [ 21 ] also found that service users were defined and overshadowed by their service user identities. Service user involvement work provided the opportunity to transform these identities and move beyond the stigma associated with them to more positive identities not rooted in deficit [ 54 ]. The idea of role reversal, where the service user became the provider through the expert by experience role, changed the power differentials and enabled service users to be seen as people to learn from [ 52 ].
Across the 13 studies the professional identity of lived experience researchers and providers was constructed. This consisted of having skills and competences to effectively carry out these roles [ 20 ] and motivation to combine existing competences from personal lives into professional roles [ 52 ]. Richards et al. [ 3 ] found those with professional identities were seen as knowledgeable, and competent, with more power than those with just service user identities. Peer workers were focused on developing professional identities which were legitimized through training [ 14 ] and appropriate titles [ 52 ]. There were allowed and disallowed characteristics, such as it “not being acceptable to become angry” [ 3 ] p 6], “having everything together” and “never having a bad day” (Wilson et al. [ 22 ], p363). Jones [ 53 ] reported, being an expert by experience required that one must communicate articulately and clearly. Cooke et al. [ 55 ] find that the development of a professional identity shifted service users to feel as though they have greater value and power. Within these studies, it was reported that service user researchers and providers were more likely to want to convey their expertise as people with knowledge who were skilled at their jobs to detract from their stigmatised service user identities.
Integrated identities were discussed within the research as individuals holding service user and professional identities simultaneously, and this was problematic and conflicting for the individual. There were differently held beliefs of whether integration was useful or not. Richards et al. [ 3 ] found within an “integrated” identity, participants drew on all their identities to inform their practice, but this was rarer than the unintegrated identity as it was more difficult to accomplish. Newcomb et al. [ 23 ] found when academics shared their lived experience in professional contexts it reduced stigma and provided student healthcare providers with examples of how to integrate their own lived experiences. However, research [ 1 ] found integrating lived experience excluded them from being accepted by colleagues within the profession and by other survivors of the mental health system. The idea of integration was spoken of as embodiment but was emotionally burdensome in peer researchers [ 25 ].
This theme addressed the issue of being unable to hold identities of service user and professional simultaneously. Richards et al. [ 3 ] reported the “mad man versus someone who got a reputation for being highly professional they’re worlds apart unfortunately.” [ 3 , p7]. Service user and professional identities were understood as separate and either good or bad. Research [ 1 ] found that, despite mental health professionals having personal experience of mental illness they were likely to keep that hidden. Cooke et al. [ 55 ] also find that being perceived as the one with lived experience in the room was conflicting, leading to a reluctance in wanting to share. Newcomb et al. [ 23 ] reported this was due to stigma and fear over queries over fitness to practice. This fear stopped some peer workers from seeking help when they relapsed [ 22 ]. Cameron et al. [ 20 ] also identified the conflicting positions experts by experience occupy, where in one context they are sources of knowledge, and other contexts as consumers of care. The service user representative role required service users to share their stories but with an expectation to separate the emotion from storytelling, to create distance from the service user identity to support learning from experience that could be tolerated by healthcare professionals [ 25 , 52 , 53 ].
The concept of liminality [ 37 ] is applied by Simpson et al. [ 14 ] and Faulkner and Thompson [ 25 ] to describe the experiences of peer workers who occupy a space in between being a service user and professional. The role ambiguity through occupying in between identities meant that it was difficult for peer workers to understand how they should interact with the people they support and the teams they work in. There was a lack of understanding whether they were friends or peers or a different dynamic. This had consequences for how others perceived them, and unclear expectations of the role and services they provided. This identity ambiguity led to differences in respect and power associated with these roles. This posed similar dilemmas to the lived experience researcher holding ambivalent identities [ 25 ].
The data in the studies informed the EMERGES framework where 7 core themes related to identity development were found, encompassing: Empowerment, Motivation, Empathy of the self and others, Recovery model and medical model, Growth and transformation, Exclusion and Survivor roots as demonstrated by Table 5 . The framework is illustrated in Fig. 2 . This is presented in reverse and ascending order starting from survivor roots through to enablers and empowerment replicating the journey that the current research suggests lived experience researchers and providers go through to develop their emerging identities.
A visual representation and summary of findings in the review
Adame [ 1 ] found the survivor identity were the roots and drivers of their need to work in the system. “The survivor part of me is what gets me out of bed each morning, and thinks that what I’m doing is important, and meaningful, and really needed…Like this background motor, I guess. It’s its own string of conviction, this motor, this energy that’s all in the background.” [ 1 , p327] Jones et al. [ 53 ] found that participants were likely to draw on their acute struggles of lived experience in their roles. Toikko [ 52 ] identified how having lived experience of mental distress was the foundation to becoming an expert by experience. A parallel identity to that of survivor roots was that of disability roots, and this was the source of motivation to challenge and disrupt the system which is disabling [ 20 ].
This theme covered how lived experience researchers and providers felt they must hide their lived experience due to queries over competence and fitness to practice. [ 1 , 23 ]. Service providers also chose who they listened to, and involvement could be tokenistic, recycling oppression lived experience researchers and providers experienced in contexts where they were service users [ 20 ]. Certain voices were excluded that were more chaotic and less professionalized [ 53 ]. Cooke et al. [ 55 ] also identify how the label of personality disorder is shaming and stigmatising, and diagnosistic practices operated in an inclandestine way excluding their involvement. Exclusion and alienation of those from minority ethnic backgrounds within these spaces was also discussed [ 25 ]. Hill et al. [ 56 ] also related service user and carer involvement to a need to “break the glass ceiling” as staff were seen to hold the power and control the agenda.
This theme encompassed experts by experience and co-researchers discussing effects of involvement leading to a metaphorical growth and transformation. “Seeing everybody still ‘fighting for it’…the enthusiasm is more than ever… these are different people to the ones three years ago, I’ve been able to watch my teammates blossom!” [ 54 , p646]. Richards et al. [ 3 ] found the impact of these roles resulted in positively framed identities, facilitating recovery. It enabled individuals to have alternative, additional identities where the service user identity did not overshadow them. “So, it’s not the most central thing anymore, that you’re a mental health patient, but rather that you are a lot more as well.” (Toikko, [ 52 ], p303). Hill et al. [ 56 , p 9] also found the theme of “The person you see now is not the person I was.” This growth and transformation was related to the emergence of a professional identity, moving further away from the service user identity Cooke et al. [ 55 ].
This theme found the recovery model was a facilitator in changing mental health identities to be seen as recovered. However, both the recovery model and medical model could both empower and disempower. Across the studies identities of lived experience researchers and providers were rooted in and influenced by these models. Despite models such as the social model of disability not locating the problem within the service user, the lens in which service providers worked “gets shifted back to medical model approach” Cameron et al. [ 20 , p 1323] influencing identities to be seen as disordered. Richards et al. [ 3 , p 10] found that those who drew on a “personal recovery” had more positively framed identities because it placed less emphasis on being “stuck”. Adame [ 1 ] identified an alternative discourse regarding the medical model, some service users found it helpful, and when the provider challenged the service users’ alignment with the medical model, or of diagnosis, it was invalidating to how service users understood themselves and their experiences. Cooke et al. [ 55 ] felt the process of diagnosis was disempowering but became empowering once service users understood that the damage that came from diagnosis came from service providers. Hill et al. [ 56 ] also found that relations between service users and carers within involvement groups required a management of power dynamics.
This theme covered how the experience of being a lived experience researcher and provider led to an understanding of the self and others. Service user representatives found sharing stories of personal experiences turned them into common shared experiences of distress, enhancing empathy and reducing stigma. The PSW discussed the importance of being ‘one of them’ and able to ‘get it.’ Simpson et al. [ 14 , p 665]. Richards et al. [ 3 ] and Newcomb et al. [ 23 ] also found that personal experiences of distress enabled better understanding of those they worked with. Providing a social domain in which individuals shared their experiences as co-researchers meant they felt, understood, and better understood others [ 52 , 53 , 54 , 56 ]. In relation to each other they also felt like they had similar experiences and a sense of “group survivorship.” Hill et al. [ 56 ], p 6]. Richards et al. [ 3 , p 9] also identify a similar group identity through the idea of a shared “personhood” and Cooke et al. [ 55 ], p 239], found it useful to work with others who are similar like a “band of brothers.” Adame [ 1 ] found empathy of the self and others was impacted by overidentification, blocking a therapist’s understanding of those they support. This meant that these roles sometimes supported or hindered understanding the self and others.
Adame [ 1 ] and Newcomb et al. [ 23 ] identify that lived experience providers were motivated to make a difference to others, due to their own lived experiences and wanted to prevent others experiencing the same injustices of the system. Positive experiences of services were motivators for becoming lived experience researchers or providers and modelling this experience in their own practice. Additionally, motivations to apply professional knowledge to better understand their own experiences was important [ 3 ]. Cameron et al. [ 20 ] found a motivator to continue in the work as a service user representative was to purposely disrupt the power dynamics in these contexts. There was a need to move beyond the service user identity [ 54 ] and change their own narratives to more positively framed senses of self with a purpose in life. Faulkner and Thompson [ 25 ] also identified that it was not simply enough to be working as lived experience researchers but to actively be integrating their lived experience into their work. Cooke et al. [ 55 ], p 239] also find that expert by experience roles were motivated in making use of past struggles “It almost comes worthwhile because you can almost see you’re doing something with it.”
The lived experience researcher and provider role enabled moving beyond the service user identity [ 49 ]. This was influenced by learning and combining new and existing skills [ 14 , 20 , 22 , 52 , 53 , 56 ], and contexts situated in the recovery model, gave hope [ 3 ]. Toikko [ 52 , p 303] found that being an expert by experience led to an orientation towards the future. They were empowered after involvement [ 53 ] and through being listened to, heard, and meaningfully involved [ 20 ]. It also gave meaning and purpose through “planting a seed” (Cooke et al. [ 55 ], p 240). Hill et al. [ 56 ] also found that meeting challenges, resulted in self-belief by having control over decision-making. Activism, social change, politicised identities, and positive identities were developed because of these roles and were thought to facilitate recovery [ 1 , 20 , 53 , 55 , 56 ]. However, some providers maintained there were fewer opportunities for those with drug user identities that were disempowered in their roles due to stigma and the permanence of a service user identity [ 22 ].
“I am in awe of the EMERGES framework and thoroughly relate to the themes and how my experience is integrated into those themes.”
The robustness of the synthesis was checked by each member of the research team (VG, PF, LG, BG & CE) and researchers at McPin Foundation (RT & TM). AB, service user advisor uses the EMERGES framework to reflect on her lived experiences and evidences its utility as a reflective tool.
Survivor roots “ My long history of mental health presentations has defined me at every stage of my life. My experiences of services have been very varied, adding to the burden of my lived experience. Clinical psychology, and specifically mindfulness, has helped me to survive and be able to acknowledge that I have survived, and is now deeply meshed as part of my lived identity.
Exclusion/Stigma and Discrimination : I know holding my lived mental health experience and identity as being valuable to others (let alone myself) has been a hard road to travel. At times, my own perception of stigma initiated feelings of exclusion, but also, I acknowledge that I have ‘lost’, through smoke and mirrors, some of my history and identity when I realised this was neither valued nor accepted if not absolutely rejected. When the presence of imposter syndrome arises regarding my identity whilst working alongside academic or professional identities with no lived experience, I try to comfort myself that this is to be expected and to work towards reducing my feelings of exclusion.
Growth and Transformation : I and my family know how much my identity has been shaped by my involvement as a service user/provider. Both self-stigma and societal stigma have been a lens through which I have viewed my lived experience of mental health, this view having now been reframed in the context of my service user involvement. These experiences validate me and acknowledge my voice is heard. My knowledge sharing has empowered me so much, to the extent that sometimes I consciously listen to my voice that was once so subdued with a sense of surprise and ownership previously lacking.
Recovery model versus medical model : My clinical psychologist, in presenting me with the then novel concept that my experiences would be valued by others, was instrumental in me taking on the role of service user/provider. My initial involvement was at times bewildering, often surprising, but allowed my identity to develop bit by bit over time. My recovery from psychosis has been reinforced through my service user identity and involvement, but I am all too aware that there are periods when my mental health is less stable, and my service user involvement may be seen as less productive or useful. This presents me with an insurmountable hurdle to achieving full involvement unless, in the future, the “goal posts” are shifted with mental health adjustments to better support service user providers.
Empathy of the Self and others : My service user involvement was a seed planted by my clinical psychologist that related to part of my identity which had always been at the forefront, and a heartfelt wish that others never had to go through the experiences in life and in managing mental health that I had done. Being able to demonstrate as a service user provider to those in training the reality of my lived experience helps shape them as practitioners. Sharing with other service users, identifying with them, and offering support and solidarity through the challenges of shared lived identity is very empowering.
Motivation : For many years, my sense of self and identity had been eroded by the effort of constantly battling my mental health and despair at the impact on my quality of life and that of my family. My ability to be confident, to interact socially, my sense of self-esteem and sense of purpose had become lost in the struggle to become well. My most recent contact with services was a key factor in my recovery, and the incentive generated because of the therapeutic alliance with my clinical psychologist to help others was an overwhelming driver in my journey to recovery and new identity. My fractured self was pieced together in my pursuit of my newly formed service user identity.
Enablers and Empowerment : I had over time lost sight of skills or abilities I had held as part of other identities. Becoming a service user/provider allowed me to revisit those identities, to tease out what would sit alongside my mental health lived experience, to empower other service users, health professionals, trainees and ultimately myself. I now have a new perspective on my experiences gleaned from this new vantage point. I once had only a tiny seed of hope, now this has blossomed giving me a new sense of identity, purpose and direction . ”
The review aimed to understand how the process of working as lived experience researchers and providers in mental health, education and research settings impacted identity and to develop a conceptual framework. The framework identifies five different positions of identity: Service user, Professional, Integrated, Unintegrated and Liminal identities and details influencing themes of the EMERGES framework consisting of Enablers and Empowerment, Motivation, Empathy of the self and others, Recovery Model and Medical Model, Growth and transformation, Exclusion (Stigma and Discrimination) and Survivor roots. The EMERGES framework is a novel conception and has common themes of emotion and power running throughout, with some overlap between themes.
The service user position is characterised as being disordered, limiting and considers the individual as the one with the problem. This is consistent with research in mental health settings, where illness identities are detrimental to hope and recovery, resulting in poorer mental health [ 57 ]. The lived experience researcher or provider is expected to control their emotions and keep a distance from their illness, detracting from diversity and representativeness of service users who are chaotic or suffer from severe mental illnesses, influencing the type of identities within these roles [ 58 ]. The service user has to switch between positions, for example, having to move between service user and expert by experience, where there are different levels of power, and control in decision-making, requiring negotiation [ 2 ].
Professional identity was reinforced through training and labels used to describe them, giving them the skills and competences to work in their roles. This is consistent with, the Academy of Medical Royal Colleges [ 59 ] that identify skills and knowledge to perform a professional role are key to developing a professional identity. Mayer and Mckenzie [ 60 ] also find professional identities of experts by experience are influenced through interactions with experts by qualification and through performing these roles.
The Integrated identity was characterised by sharing lived experience both in research and clinical practice. Beames et al. [ 61 ] find the integration of lived experience in all stages of research supports meaningful research and outcomes. Arroll and Allen [ 62 ] find self-disclosure results in greater therapeutic rapport and empathy. However, Bray [ 63 ] identifies the risks of self-disclosure and how it de-centres the service user. Alternatively, the peer support worker role requires them to work with patients through a shared experience of distress, but they do not necessarily need to disclose as there is already visibility of lived experience. Sharing of lived experiences by professionals is likely to de-stigmatise the idea of mental illness [ 64 , 65 ]. Integrating lived experience in professional roles is related to being an authentic version of the self. Research into authenticity suggests that when we are authentic it is better for our health and wellbeing [ 66 ], providing support for the benefits of lived experience roles.
The Unintegrated identity of the service user and professional identified how these identities were conflicting and could not be held simultaneously. Research suggests that experiential knowledge comes predominantly from the expert by experience, suggesting learning about experiential knowledge cannot come from mental health professionals. Additionally, professional knowledge is better assimilated when it comes from healthcare professionals as opposed to those with lived experiences [ 16 ]. This is explained by epistemic and hermeneutical injustice which poses limits on where knowledge is learned from [ 15 ]. Lived experience researchers and providers are also required to separate emotion and maintain professionalism in their roles. They must convey “affective intensity, while not spilling over into uncontrolled illness” (Naslund et al. [ 67 ]: p10). Researchers and professionals with lived experience are also impacted by stigma in the profession of lived experience that may determine whether they integrate lived experience in their research or clinical work.
Further to this, an unintegrated or integrated identity largely depends on the role and the level of visibility of lived experience within that role. For example, mental health professionals have a sense of privilege as they can choose when or when not to disclose their lived experiences [ 68 ], as this is not the purpose of their role. In contrast to this, experts by experience or peer workers are specifically employed to voice and embody lived experiences. It is also acknowledged by some experts by experience that there is a choice over owning different identities at different times by choosing when to wear the lived experience hat [ 13 ]. Although for those employed in lived experience roles this might not always be possible as there is an expectation from others that they must work from an experiential lens. Alternatively, those in peer roles embody lived experience, but there is control over articulating the specifics of this experience as they operate in a relational way, connecting through common experiences of distress that do not necessarily depend on disclosure. Although, due to the visibility of their lived experience, research shows peer workers are more likely to disclose, encourage and elicit disclosures from patients and other healthcare professionals, consequently increasing the visibility of lived experience in a clinical context [ 69 ]. These examples across these different groups serve to articulate the distinction between these different roles and the extent to which they can integrate lived experiences.
The process of liminality [ 37 ] described the identity of peer workers and researchers [ 14 , 25 ]. Wu et al. [ 70 ] suggest that Liminal spaces negatively impact the mental health of individuals occupying this space. Warner and Gabe [ 71 ] identify how mental health social workers find it difficult to work with mental health patients who occupy liminal spaces as they are difficult to understand and support. This can also translate to the way lived experience researchers and providers are understood and worked with in clinical practice and research, by colleagues. Although, anecdotal evidence suggests those in lived experience roles are likely to have a better understanding of their own identities. Whereas those they work with will often perceive them as occupying liminal identities. These findings can support service providers and colleagues to better understand those with liminal identities and enable better team working. It also identifies how these roles have an emotional burden on those performing them.
Outlined below are the seven core elements of the EMERGES Framework found as a result of the systematic narrative review. Each element is considered and discussed in relation to the evidence base and how lived experience researchers or providers can be better understood and worked with in mental health, research, and educational settings.
This theme found becoming a lived experience researcher or provider was rooted in the history of being a survivor or service user of the mental/health system. The experience of trauma or iatrogenic harm from services can influence changes to identity. Through the process of having positive or negative experiences of services may be formative to self-identifying as a service user or survivor differently. Wallcraft et al. [ 72 ] identify the diversity of perspectives within and between service users and survivors but identify shared motivations to improve the mental health system. The intersectional [ 41 ] influence of lived experience and professional aspects to the role means that this researcher or provider has more complex needs and requires greater support.
Stigma and discrimination were shown to negatively impact disclosure of lived experience and health-seeking behaviour and this is seen in wider contexts [ 73 , 74 ]. The review team’s own observations find service user involvement is typically made up of white service users and is unrepresentative of the population which may be symptomatic of exclusion in the mental health system. There are also them and us divisions between lived experience researchers and providers and those they work with. For example, knowledge of stigmatised diagnostic labels, such as personality disorder, affects how experts by qualification perceive and work with them [ 75 ]. There are also divisions between different lived experience researchers and providers [ 1 ], for example, experts by experience and mental health professionals with lived experience, meaning different lived experience researchers and providers do not belong to the same identity.
The review found a consistent theme of growth and transformation. This links to a broader body of evidence within the literature on how service users or survivors of mental or physical disability experience post-traumatic growth [ 76 ]. Theoretically driven research metaphorically likens the effects of service user involvement to growth and transformation [ 38 ] and research finds the expert by experience role results in transformative effects [ 77 , 78 ]. Some lived experience researchers and providers also have a romanticised perspective and find transformative effects in identity following the experience of psychosis [ 33 ]. Schneider et al. [ 79 ] find non-white people and those with serious forms of distress are more likely to experience greater post-traumatic growth, suggesting the trajectory of growth and transformation of lived experience researchers and providers may be variable.
The wider literature identified the recovery model was more likely to lead to feeling more hopeful and move individuals further from the service user identity [ 80 ]. The recovery model arguably has a negative side that promotes a certain journey for service users, modelling ideas about competence, expertise and health outcomes that reduce the ideal service user to someone that is recovered [ 81 ]. This limits the type of individual in lived experience researcher and provider roles, reducing the representativeness and authenticity of service users. The recovery model ironically detracts from the service user identity. In contrast, the medical model reinforces the service user identity, positioning the service user as in need of help, as ill or disordered [ 82 ]. The context and models in which individuals are situated in can influence the way individuals conceptualise their own experiences. This aligns with social constructionism epistemology [ 83 ]. The recovery model, medical model and social disability model are pervasive in the sector and explain findings in the review and how lived experience researchers and providers’ differently construct their identities based on the models they identify with.
This theme found how sharing experiences within a social domain were used to connect with and understand others. The social identity of the lived experience researcher and provider role provided a sense of belonging to an in-group where we share similar values, beliefs, and experiences, supporting the formation of a social identity [ 34 ]. The historical exclusion of this group of people in society means the role enables them to have a sense of belonging. Hawkins [ 84 ] suggests a desire to tell others about our own experiences becomes a desire to help others and this is a motivating factor in integrating lived experience. The process of lived experience researcher and provider identities may mean they better understand the people they research or work with and make them better person-centred practitioners [ 85 ]. However, issues relating to transference and countertransference can negatively impact understanding others through the projection of one’s own lived experiences.
This review identifies the idea of motivation to integrate lived experience and professional identities and hold them simultaneously. This motivation aligns with wider mental health contexts, for example, the division of Clinical Psychology [ 7 ] released guidance on how trainee psychologists can integrate their lived experience into their work and training. This suggests the lived experience researcher or provider and mental health training are in alignment regarding motivations to integrate lived experience. This is likely influenced by changes in policy (Department of Health, DOH, [ 86 , 87 , 88 ] and the service user movement [ 5 ].
The review found the idea of empowerment through lived experience researcher and provider work, and this may occur through a social justice motivation [ 89 ]. Through lived experience researcher and provider roles that are politically motivated, formed of activists and advocates means they are moving away from individual motivations to make a difference to a collective motivation to make a difference for others like themselves. This may be governed by social identities [ 34 ]. Belonging to a social identity is likely to result in the health and wellbeing of members in the group, strengthening the group and empowering it and advocating for it. This can be explained through the social cure phenomenon in social identities [ 90 ]. Further to this, reaction against out-groups provides a motivation to disrupt and challenge other social identities such as Psychiatry or Psychology.
The EMERGES framework conceptualises the identities of lived experience researchers and providers and builds on previous frameworks in other contexts, offering a novel way to understand identity. There are parallels with findings from the CHIME framework, which is made up of themes of Connectedness, Hope, Identity, Meaning, Empowerment [ 46 ]. Although the CHIME framework is critiqued as being overly optimistic and positive, and other researchers argue it does not account for difficulties that service users experience, advocating for an addition of D to the CHIME framework representing difficulties [ 91 ]. In contrast, the EMERGES framework explicitly highlights the exclusion lived experience researchers and providers experience which is undermined by the retrospective addition of the D in CHIME-D framework. There is also overlap with Emery’s literature review [ 47 ] of service user involvement, finding themes of empowerment, recovery, and identity, giving validity to this review. Ng et al. [ 92 ] find in their conceptual review of psychosis and growth and transformation the acronym of PROSPER, Personal identity and strength, Receiving support, Opportunities and possibilities, Strategies for coping, Perspective shift, Emotional experience, and Relationships. The EMERGES framework encompasses similar themes to these frameworks but specific to lived experience researchers and provider identities, offering a novel and accessible way to understand them.
The review identifies the novel EMERGES framework which can be used as a reflective tool and has practical applications both within research and clinical settings with the heterogeneous population of lived experience researchers and providers. The framework was co-created with a multi-disciplinary team, including lived experience researchers and providers, at every level within the review, adding to the robustness and validity of the findings and additionally, peer-reviewed by researchers at McPin Foundation. Quality appraisal was also carried out independently by three different PhD Psychology students, with different expertise in lived experience and research methods. The methodologies within the studies were informed by a wide range of philosophical approaches that contributed to this synthesis. The research questions and aims of the studies differed slightly and so their synthesis may not represent each individual study’s findings cohesively, but instead, the review identifies common themes across all. These are informed through a range of perspectives and philosophical underpinnings that supports the robustness of the synthesis. The framework has also been reviewed by researchers in other settings who suggest its value and application in mental health settings more generally, evidencing its versatility and wide-reaching impact.
It is acknowledged the review groups together different populations such as experts by experience, lived experience researchers, peer workers and mental health professionals with lived experience and treats them as a homogenous group. There are differences across these groups and subtle nuances that the synthesis may not have identified. However, through identifying the relationships between these groups, the review develops a broader synthesis and framework that is informed by each role and their commonalities that has explanatory power to help us better understand the identities of lived experience researchers and providers more generally. This may counter the ‘Them and Us’ divisions that often exist between these groups and others, by identifying their similarities. The review also did not explore the grey literature, or literature on ethnicity, LGBT, and gender identity and this may have cast further insight into identity formation, but this was not a focus of the review. Most studies within this review failed to discuss the lack of diversity within lived experience researcher and provider roles. Only one paper [ 25 ] addresses this issue explicitly, but this study’s sample size was mostly white, meaning it is difficult to draw meaning from such conclusions. The reviewed studies highlight how the field is limited to lived experience researchers and providers who can communicate their experiences and manage their emotions with competence and professionalism. This excludes those with severe mental or physical disabilities and those with learning disabilities. The carer voice and their work as experts by experience or providers is also largely missing from the studies included within this review, only, Hill et al. [ 56 ] included carers within their study. A proportion of the studies within the review are complex and academic in nature and may be difficult for lay people to understand, suggesting that the people who can benefit from the research may not due to lack of accessibility. This meant that the review team were mindful of those who would benefit from reading the review and were motivated in communicating this in an accessible way. It is also acknowledged the field of lived experience work is referred to in a diverse set of ways nationally and internationally and so the search strategy may not have captured all research in the area. There is also a lack of literature exploring the effects of lived experience researchers and provider roles on identity, evidenced through only thirteen papers in this review, and so there is a recommendation for adding to the evidence base.
This review elucidates the identities of lived experience researchers and providers in mental health, education, and research and gives greater clarity to these identities that are sometimes not understood by themselves or the people they work with. The EMERGES framework can be used as a reflective tool to better understand those is these roles and support effective team working. The review highlights how lived experience researcher and provider roles are performed by individuals with certain characteristics such as those who are professional, articulate and those who can separate and integrate, when appropriate, their lived experiences. However, people who do not have these characteristics, or people from ethnic minority backgrounds, in addition to those with severe and enduring chronic mental, physical and learning disabilities, are often excluded from these roles. Furthermore, it is evident that carer involvement in these roles is also underrepresented. This clearly limits the identities of those in these roles. Through the integration of more underserved communities in lived experience roles can lead to a depth of experience that can be drawn upon, leading to growth and transformation in the sector. However, the integration of lived experience within these contexts is limited, due to stigma and discrimination. This limits self-disclosure and health-seeking behaviours which may be due to the professionalisation of these roles. Therefore, those working with lived experience researchers and providers need to be aware of their support needs which can be guided by the practical application of the EMERGES framework. There is also a need to integrate lived experience to be authentic and also a motivation to promote social justice in the mental health system. Through the process of sharing lived experiences supports others to listen and learn from them and supports greater empathy of one’s own distress and that of others.
Through the process of performing these roles and through moving through the stages of the EMERGES framework leads to identity development. In some cases, the stigma of mental illness, or disability permanently marks the identity of lived experience researchers and providers, affecting their prospects and the lens through which they are viewed. However, the general trend among the literature highlights how lived experience researcher and provider roles moves them beyond the service user identity. This consequently transforms those with stigmatised identities to enabling and empowered identities, facilitating recovery.
All data generated or analysed during this study are included in this published article [and its supplementary information files]. The preliminary synthesis, detailed quality appraisal of each researcher and table of original sources into a framework can be found on open access dataset found here: https://osf.io/xnt2p/ . A pre-print of the systematic review can be found here: Gupta V, Golding L, Eames C, Greenhill B, Qi R, Allan S, Bryant A, Fisher P 2022 https://psyarxiv.com/gjh2c/
Healthcare professions council
British psychological society
Group of trainers in clinical psychology
Royal college of psychiatrists
National institute of health research
National survivor user network
Survivor researcher network
Shaping our lives
Sample, phenomenon of interest, design, evaluative, research type
Joanna Briggs institute
Peer support worker
Department of health
Empowerment and enablers, motivation, empathy of the self and others, recovery model and medical model, growth and transformation, exclusion, survivor roots
Connectedness, hope, identity, meaning, empowerment
Personal identity and strength, receiving support, opportunities and possibilities, strategies for coping, perspective shift, emotional experience and relationships
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender
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Thank you to Dr Rose Thompson and Tanya Mackay at McPin foundation for peer reviewing. For the purpose of Open Access, the author has applied a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) licence to any Author Accepted Manuscript arising from this submission.
The systematic review was funded through a University of Liverpool PhD studentship.
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Veenu Gupta, Laura Golding, Beth Greenhill, Robert Qi, Alison Bryant & Peter Fisher
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Veenu Gupta
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Preliminary synthesis and data extraction table.
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Gupta, V., Eames, C., Golding, L. et al. Understanding the identity of lived experience researchers and providers: a conceptual framework and systematic narrative review. Res Involv Engagem 9 , 26 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40900-023-00439-0
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Second, methodological considerations, drawn from this phenomenological basis, will be explicated and illustrated through a research study of pediatric intensive care unit (PICU) nurses' lived experience of a major hospital transformation project in Canada—thus offering guidance on how to align qualitative research methods and process with ...
Qualitative research across many disciplines focuses on co-construction of meaning with participants and to varying degrees can aim to redistribute power (Karnieli-Miller et al., 2009).Engaging people with lived experience as partners in projects is also becoming increasingly common in quantitative research, including biomedical and health services research (Kaida et al., 2019; Saini et al ...
Lived experience. In qualitative phenomenological research, lived experience refers to the first-hand involvement or direct experiences and choices of a given person, and the knowledge that they gain from it, as opposed to the knowledge a given person gains from second-hand or mediated source. [1][2] It is a category of qualitative research ...
Introduction. Lived experience research in mental health incorporates the perspectives of people who live with mental health issues (1, 2).The integration of lived experience perspectives into the research process, from discovery to translation, has a long history, with seminal work in the mental health and clinical research fields emerging over four decades ago [e.g., (3-8)].
The research suggests the potential usefulness of lived experience research resources, presented in user-friendly formats, in the lives of people who experience mental health issues and implies a need to nurture this type of research. Keywords: Lived experience research, Service user research, Knowledge translation, Mental health recovery, Hope.
Amankwaa L. (2016). Creating protocols for trustworthiness in qualitative research. Journal of Cultural Diversity, 23(3), 121-127. PubMed. Google Scholar. Ashworth P. (1996). ... Sadala M. L. A., Adorno R. d. C. F. (2002). Phenomenology as a method to investigate the experience lived: A perspective from Husserl and Merleau Ponty's thought ...
In particular, lived experience designs seek to answer how, what, and why questions to develop meaning or theory from the context and the people who lived the phenomenon. We review four lived experience traditions: phenomenology, consensual qualitative research, narrative inquiry, and case study.
The peculiarities of Anglo-centric usage of the broader term 'experience' are explored, before we identify and discuss several roots from which understandings of 'lived experience' as a concept and a research strategy have grown: namely, phenomenology, feminist writing and ethnography.
Search for: 'lived experience' in Oxford Reference ». 1. Personal knowledge about the world gained through direct, first-hand involvement in everyday events rather than through representations constructed by other people. It may also refer to knowledge of people gained from direct face-to-face interaction rather than through a technological ...
Qualitative research is designed to explore the human elements of a given topic, while specific qualitative methods examine how individuals see and experienc ... Lived experience, as it is explored and understood in qualitative research, is a representation and understanding of a researcher or research subject's human experiences, choices, and ...
Background This paper reports the construction and use of a specific method for qualitative medical research: The Inductive Process to Analyze the Structure of lived Experience (IPSE), an inductive and phenomenological approach designed to gain the closest access possible to the patients' experience and to produce concrete recommendations for improving care. This paper describes this ...
Introduction. As a research methodology, phenomenology is uniquely positioned to help health professions education (HPE) scholars learn from the experiences of others. Phenomenology is a form of qualitative research that focuses on the study of an individual's lived experiences within the world. Although it is a powerful approach for inquiry ...
Integrating Lived Expertise into Equity-Centered Research. The equity-centered research framework developed by RTI International's Transformative Research Unit for Equity (TRUE) explains why people with lived expertise should play a central role in all stages of the research process. Early in an investigation, experts with lived experience can partner with researchers to identify areas of ...
Abstract. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the usefulness of qualitative research for studying the ethics of care, bringing to light the lived experience of health care recipients, together with the importance of methods that allow reconstruction of the processes underlying this lived experience. Lived experiences of families being ...
In qualitative research we are often presented with a tension between having open and fluid interviews to support staying true to the lived experiences of participants and achieving a level of abstraction from the data in order to uncover the essential structures and meanings of that particular lived experience.
Lived experience is simultaneously denigrated by those who regard it as merely subjective and exalted by those who regard it as epistemically authoritative. A return to Dilthey's original formulation reveals that both of these attitudes are predicated on misunderstandings of the nature of lived experience.
Lived experience refers to an individual's personal and subjective encounters, including emotions, perceptions, preferences, and goals, that shape their inner world at a specific point in time. It represents a distinct domain of understanding that influences how individuals interpret and respond to various social and biological factors.
Background Lived experience research is conducted by people who have experience of mental health issues and is therefore better placed than more traditional research to illuminate participants' experiences. Findings that focus on identifying enablers of recovery from a lived experience perspective have the potential to assist people in their recovery process. However, this lived experience ...
We included empirical studies that were qualitative, quantitative, or mixed method; we excluded studies that discussed lived experience in social work as an idea or ideal but did not engage empirical research that demonstrated how lived experience actually influenced social work. To be included, studies needed to be published between 1 January ...
The relevance of experience and meaning in qualitative research is mostly accepted and is common ground for qualitative studies. However, there is an increasing trend towards trivializing the use ...
The interpretive phenomenological concepts of Dasein, lived experience, existentialia, authenticity are at the core of the discussion while relevant methodological concerns include research paradigm, researcher's stance, objective and research question, sampling and recruitment, data collection, and data analysis.
Background Identity is how we understand ourselves and others through the roles or social groups we occupy. This review focuses on lived experience researchers and providers and the impact of these roles on identity. Lived experience researchers and providers use their lived experience of mental or physical disability either as experts by experience, researchers, peer workers, or mental health ...
What Evaluators Mean When They Talk About 'Lived Experience' - Community Science. Since the summer of 2020, the use of hashtags to signal the support of communities impacted by structural racism is no longer the limit that organizations will go.
This study explored the reasons and lived experiences of 20 Filipino teacher respondents in the school year 2023-2024. The qualitative method through phenomenological research was adopted.
A phenomenological approach to qualitative research focuses on the essence of a lived experience, or phenomenon, that can be observed or felt by people who have different viewpoints (Flood, 2010). The main aim of phenomenology is to capture, as closely as possible, the way a phenomenon was lived by people who participated in the phenomenon ...